The NATO Nations as Founders of the Union
With firmness in the right, as God gives us to see|
the right. -- Abraham
If I were revising or re-writing Union Now, what changes would I
make? None in its poem (to follow the chronological order in which its three
parts were originally written1), none in
its philosophy, and some in its proposal -- even though none even there that I
consider to be major changes. I say this at the risk of being considered rigid,
and criticized as suffering an acute case of author's pride. Two principles,
however, have long guided me, and proved their worth so well that I shall stick
to them. One I got from Descartes in my teens and have confirmed from
experience, namely, that it is wise never to cease subjecting even one's firmest
convictions, conclusions or working hypotheses to reconsideration in the light
of greater knowledge, events, failures, shortfalls, and criticism by oneself and
To know or feel in my heart that an idea is the offspring of fallacious
reasoning, or of ignorance of certain facts, and yet to cling to it because I
was the first to be seduced by it, or am publicly identified with it -- this
does not appeal to me. I find it more satisfying, and exciting, to keep on guard
against one of our common fallacies, which Georges de la Fouchardière
pointed out in 1918 to this reader of his column in L'Oeuvre. He wrote
that, with ideas as with other property, once we acquire them -- and no matter
how we happen to get them -- we defend them with our life's blood, and the
devil's readiest weapons, whenever anyone tries to take them from us.
The other guiding principle I got as a boy, when learning to shoot a rifle,
and later had hammered into me as a newspaper reporter, namely, the importance
of trying always to be accurate. To make a virtue of understatement seems to me
as wrong as to practice over-statement (unless humor is one's purpose). The aim
should be to hit the target, not to shoot over it, or under. We all need to know
the facts just as they are. This requires that they be expressed as accurately
as one can humanly present them, neither swollen nor shrunken so as to make the
speaker or writer appear the better, or to enable him to "play it safe."
Where I Would Alter Union Now
When I say that I would not change any of what I consider to be the
fundamentals in Union Now, I would like this statement to be understood
as the product of those two guiding thoughts. I would add that although frequent
reconsideration of the fundamentals in Union Now in the light of events,
criticisms, alternative proposals, and further study, has strengthened my belief
in them, this does not mean that if I were re-writing Union Now today it
would be the same throughout -- apart from obvious differences between 1960 and
1939. There would be a number of changes, some of which others might consider
major. To me they are secondary, and would tend mainly to bring out more clearly
and strongly the basic principles of the original, put them in better
perspective by more accurate evaluations, and adapt them better to practical
application in the present and looming situations.
In the Postwar edition I dealt with nine of these changes in new Chapter 3, "Were
I Re-Writing Union Now." I would refer those interested to it --
particularly to understand why I now attach even greater value to individual
freedom as the key to peace and to production, and would emphasize even more the
importance of power to freedom and peace, and why I now think that free federal
principles are likely to spread gradually around the world in a different way
than I originally suggested.
Even more now than in 1949, I believe that the immense impulse toward free
federation, resulting from the creation of the Atlantic Union, will lead not
merely to our Union's expansion through the admission of new member nations, but
also to the creation of regional free federations by other nations -- for
example, in Southern Asia, among the Arab nations, in Africa and in Latin
America, I believe, too, that it will encourage the long suffering Chinese and
Russian peoples eventually to transform those dictatorships into free unions
themselves. As all these processes gradually develop, as present difficulties
are lessened and better means of overcoming them acquired, and as men profit
from the incalculable and increasing moral and material power that these Unions
of the Free would produce, one could reasonably expect the latter to federate
with each other. Or they could be transforming meanwhile the United Nations --
to which they would all belong -- gradually into a federation.
All this is, as the Germans would say, music of the future. But consider how
man's scientific and technical development has continued to confirm through both
decades since 1939 what Union Now noted then on page 49:
If we compare each decade of the past thirty years with the decade before
it, we shall have some clue to the accumulating speed with which the machine
will be making our world one during the next decade -- if our failure to provide
the machine with a governor does not meanwhile wreck it and us.
If we have the creative imagination needed to keep this factor in mind, we
may find that Tennyson's "Parliament of Man," which now seems as far
distant as going to the Moon seemed in 1950, may not be in fact so far ahead.
The Founders of The Atlantic Union
The main change I would make in Union Now relates to the founders,
and results from the establishment of NATO since the Postwar edition appeared.
This brings us to one of these necessities that keep recurring in human affairs
-- the necessity of marrying the ideal and the practical if anything living is
to be created in good time -- and the promising progress toward free government
in the past to last, and the offspring to flourish. And so I would first
emphasize now, even more than in 1939, the principles underlying nuclear union
of the free. I would continue to stress the importance of proposing a concrete
list of founders. But I would make clearer that it is no hard and fast list, and
that adjustments can, and should, be made according to conditions obtaining at
the time of action.
The essentials continue to me to be that (a) the nucleus of the Union should
be composed of relatively few nations, (b) these should be strong enough in both
material and moral power and ties, to assure the Union from the start enough
power for it to have a reasonable hope of winning, without war, against
dictatorship, depression and disintegration, and (c) the ratio of experienced to
inexperienced democratic peoples or "problem" nations among the
founders should be great enough to give a stronger guaranty of individual
freedom than any practical alternative can.
From the standpoint of experience in free government -- to which I continue
to attach decisive importance -- the fifteen founders I suggested in Union
Now remain in my opinion the ideal list. I have long believed that one
should aim clearly at what one finds to be ideal, and that this aim in itself
rules out the possibility of achieving the ideal at the outset. One cannot seek
an objective and at the same time have it in hand. To move toward the ideal, and
to achieve it completely in the end,2
one must start with less than the ideal, because of the practical considerations
that always necessarily affect any attempt to translate thought into action, and
turn ideals into realities.
The practical question we must always face in the present enterprise is:
Just which of the ideal list of peoples experienced in free government offers
the most reasonable hope of forming, with just which other peoples, a sound
nuclear Union of the Free at any given time? The answer is bound to vary with
conditions prevailing at the time one must answer it.
It was one thing when Hitlerian Germany, militarist Japan and Fascist Italy
formed the most imminent danger facing all of the fifteen I nominated as
founders in 1939. When Communist Russia made its pact with Nazi Germany and
enabled Hitler to conquer all the experienced democracies on the Continent,
except Switzerland and Sweden, which dictatorship surrounded, one had to start
with the seven English-speaking democracies that remained, if one were to start
at all. In these circumstances I proposed in 1940-41 in Union Now with
Britain that these seven form a provisional union to meet this emergency. I
stressed that this smaller nucleus was meant to grow into the larger Union with
the liberation of the other democracies, but the book's title has led many to
assume that Union Now aims at an exclusively English-speaking Union -- a
project which that book rejected.
The Nato Fifteen and Union Now's Fifteen
With the liberation and victory I returned to the broader original proposal.
After the North Atlantic alliance was formed by the United States, Canada,
Britain, France, the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxemburg, I urged that these
seven form the nucleus for an Atlantic Union, too. I supported the Atlantic
Union resolutions that were introduced in Congress in the sessions of 1949, 1951
and 1955; they solved the problem of the nucleus by inviting the seven sponsors
of the Atlantic alliance to send delegates to a convention which would be
authorized to explore how they might best form a union, and to invite "such
other democracies" as they thought wise to join them in the work of the
Meanwhile, NATO grew larger, and a variety of other factors made it
increasingly difficult to restrict the Convention nucleus to the seven sponsors,
and increasingly practical to begin with all the fifteen NATO nations. Although
the number -- fifteen -- is the same as Union Now proposed in 1939, the
composition is quite different. Of the original Union Now fifteen, the
fifteen NATO nations include only eight -- the United States, Canada, Britain,
France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark and Norway. My other seven --
Australia, Eire, Finland, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland and the Union of
South Africa -- are replaced in the NATO fifteen by Iceland, Luxemburg, the
German Federal Republic, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Turkey. Clearly the last
five are much less experienced in free government than are the missing seven of
the Union Now list -- with the exception of the Union of South Africa,
where a most undemocratic racism has ruled in recent years.
Facing this choice between the "more ideal" and the "more
practical," my weighing of the various factors involved leads me to
conclude that we should aim now at an Atlantic Union composed of the NATO
fifteen. The Atlantic Convention allows this possibility to be explored without
further delay. I believe it can work out a plan to federate these fifteen to
what I consider a minimum but decisive degree.
If this does not prove possible, one must re-examine the problem -- perhaps
even in the Convention -- in the light of the situation then obtaining. Events
may make it practical to try to federate a more ideal group more fully. Or they
may make it imperative to try to start on a less ideal basis. All that we can be
sure of now is that by making the most of the opportunity which the Convention
offers, we shall learn more than we could learn otherwise, and be more likely to
Having stated this conclusion, I would now give some of the reasoning that
has gone into it. To me the important question is this: Is the NATO group
sufficiently loaded on the side of democratic experience, and community of
background and interest, to make it reasonably possible to federate these
nations on a sound free basis? I find the answer is clearly, Yes. The question
is one of ratio. So long as the percentage of inexperience and other weakening
factors is considerably less than half, or as small as in the present instance,
I think it is safe. Perhaps a comparison -- however odious comparisons may be --
will clarify the point.
Atlantic Union And European Union: Experience Vs. Inexperience
Much as I applaud the Six Nations of Europe for the Common Market they have
achieved, I find that in these Six the ratio of inexperience to experience in
free government is dangerously high for sound political union, The three members
that have the longest record in stable free government -- those of Benelux --
form only 11 per cent of the total population. In a free federal Union,
population is, in final analysis, the long term dominating factor. The twenty
million people of Benelux cannot possibly suffice to keep on the side of liberty
a union with a total population of 170 millions.
Free government in France has had so checkered a career as to make some
doubtful of it, but personally I would readily include France with Benelux, as
an experienced democracy. The many and magnificent contributions to freedom the
French have made since the 18th century, leave no uncertainty in my mind about
them. But when we add the French to Benelux, the combined population of those
experienced in freedom remains a minority in the Six Nations. The Germans and
Italians would form the majority, with 105 million of its 170 million
population. Though they have made very promising progress toward free government
in the past century, and particularly since World War II, who can forget how the
Italian democracy gave way to Fascist dictatorship in the early 1920s -- or how
the German democracy succumbed to a far more sinister dictatorship in 1933?
An individual needs to learn to know his weaknesses and be on guard against
them in his own interest; so it is with nations, too. The great majority of
Germans and Italians want their present experiment in democracy to succeed. They
have suffered much more than the rest of us from dictatorship. And so they have
even more reason than I to doubt that a political union of the Six Nations would
provide sufficient brakes against a recurrence of dictatorship when it faced
such crises as depression or war. Certainly it is not surprising that many
people in Benelux and France are reluctant to convert their economic union into
a political one. They realize that such a Union, even with federation's checks
against majority rule, would expose their heroically won liberties to a
government where the majority would be composed of peoples whose efforts to
govern themselves in freedom have not yet withstood the strain of any major
emergency. This illustration will serve to show why I am chary of any Union
where the factor of experience in free government is not very strong from the
But whereas inexperience would dominate from the start in a European Six
Nation Union, it would be in a minority in an Atlantic Union. Add Portugal,
Greece and Turkey to West Germany and Italy, and still this group would form
less than one-third of the population of an Atlantic Union composed of the
fifteen NATO nations, which would total 471,000,00 -- with 322,000,000 of them
long experienced in free government.
In such an Atlantic Union the United States, Britain and Canada would form
more than half (249,000,000) of its total population. The majority of its people
from the start would thus contribute to its success the world's longest
experience in maintaining stable free government, and a two-party system, on a
vast scale of population and area. From the start, too, it would have another
advantage -- more than 40 per cent of its population could contribute the long
experience in maintaining vast, free federal unions that the United States and
Canada have. All this would help assure that the constitution of such a Union
would be soundly built -- and that its statesmen could meet the dangers and
difficulties of its early, formative years more successfully than a Union of the
Six Nations could.
Add to this solid center the experience and varied contributions to free
government that Belgium, Denmark, France, Iceland, Luxemburg and Norway offer,
and this core expands into a two-thirds majority of the Union, in number of
nations as well as in population -- in both its Senate and House. This would
also be the proportion of people and peoples in it who would contribute another
important asset to success -- the fact that they had never fought each other for
nearly a century and a half. This contrasts sharply with the emotional volcano
that may still be smouldering under the European Six, 65,000,000 of whom were
fighting the other 105,000,000 less than twenty years ago -- with the majority
advantage un the side of the two peoples whose governments attacked, and lost.
This may suffice to show why such an Atlantic Union would inspire more
confidence all around -- and confidence is a most important consideration. The
factors that cause distrust and fear would insidiously contribute to unsoundness
in the drafting of a federal constitution for the European Six, and to friction
and weakness in its functioning. The reasons for confidence and faith that come,
when this group is broadened into an Atlantic Union, would also work in many
ways to assure it the firm constitutional foundation, and the cooperative,
give-and-take spirit, that such a venture needs to survive its early years.
(It should also be noted that the factor of experience would be increased by
the first nations that were admitted to the Atlantic Union, once it was
established. I would hope that these would include Australia, New Zealand, the
Philippines, Austria, Eire, Sweden, Switzerland, and some of the stabler Latin
American Republics. Their admission, and that of others, would, of course, also
strengthen the Union in other ways.)
With such a strong nucleus, and in such a favorable climate, the problem
which Germany, Italy, Portugal, Greece and Turkey present should not be
dangerously difficult. In fact, one could reasonably hope that an Atlantic
federal union with them would suffice to remove all real danger from the
problem, and lessen its intrinsic difficulties considerably. Its solution thus
would add considerable elements of strength and stability to the union. In all
these five peoples, except Portugal, free government has made very promising
progress in recent years against great odds. Membership in an Atlantic Union
would lessen these odds. It would not only remove negative factors but provide
the positive conditions and incentive needed to speed the solid growth of free
government in these nations, and assure its success.
Renaissance, Reformation, Age of Discovery, Athens And Ataturk -- Revived
And Harnessed to Freedom by Atlantic Union
And what great possibilities they offer! Think of hitching securely to the
star of freedom-and-union, or adding to it: ... the astonishing energies of the
Germans -- everlastingly resurgent, from the days of Julius Caesar down to the
swift recovery we ourselves witnessed after both World Wars.... the mixture of
poetry, philosophy and power that produced such giants as Beethoven, Braun,
Bunsen, Charlemagne, Clausewitz, Daimler, Diesel, Duerer, Einstein, Goethe,
Helmholtz, Heine, the I. G. Farben, Kant, Koch, Luther, Mommsen, Mozart, Ranke,
Schiller, Schubert ...
... And adding the rare qualities which the people of Italy have shown in so
many fields (for so many centuries since the rise of Rome, resurgent in the
glories of medieval Florence, Venice, Genoa, and then of the Risorgimento),
and in the geniuses they gave mankind, -- Bruno, Caesar, Cavour, Cicero,
Columbus, Dante, la Duse, Fabius, Ferrero, Galileo, Garibaldi, and the Grachii,
Horace, Leonardo, Machiavelli Marconi, Marcus Aurelius, Petrarch, Pliny the
Elder and Younger, Raphael, St. Francis d'Assisi, Savonarola, Titian, Virgil,
... And adding the fabulous creative abilities of the people of Greece --
long dormant but still fertile -- who gave us heroes of the stature of
Aeschylus, Alexander, Archimedes, Aristides, Aristophanes, Aristotle,
Demosthenes, Euclid, Euripides, Herodotus, Hippocrates, Homer, Leonidas,
Miltiades, Pericles, Phidias, Pindar, Plato, Praxiteles, Pythagoras, Sappho,
Socrates, Sophocles, Thucydides, Xenophon ...
... And adding the less known (to the West) but obvious abilities that
enabled the Turks to create an empire which stretched from Persia to Morocco,
from Mecca to Vienna, and to maintain it -- despite all its conflicting
religions and medley of peoples, and without benefit of railway, steamship or
telegraph -- much longer3 than the
empires of Britain and France have survived, and to hold for centuries the name
of the "Grand Turk," and give such proofs of it as Mohammed the
Conqueror and Suleiman the Magnificcnt, Sinan the architect and Sudi the
scholar, and, in our day, Ataturk, Ismet Inonu, Halidé Edib and Ahmed
Emin Yalman ...
... And adding, too, the venturing spirit that has slept so long among the
Portuguese since the years when Vasco da Gama sailed first to India, and
Magellan's expedition sailed round the planet -- but that Atlantic Union could
well awaken ...
One needs but thus skim the surface to see how great a rebirth is possible
in these five peoples alone when Union of the Free rekindles those who led the
Renaissance, the Reformation, the Age of Discovery; those whose Athens first
sowed the seed of the West, and whose Ataturk, linking Europe and Asia, led in
the westernizing movement that has now swept through all Islam, and in the
emancipation of women that has advanced so far in Asia and Africa. Here are
potentialities to fire the imagination -- mighty intangibles that
freedom-and-union would harness together, and would also unite with all that the
Americans, British, French, Belgians, Canadians, Dutch and Scandinavians have to
contribute. These things of the spirit, when touched by the magical power that
union adds, will -- if we are right in our faith that puts man and his soul
above matter -- soon replace the losses in relative material power that
Atlantica has suffered since 1939.
Our Finest Knowhow, Which We Fail to Teach
To harness securely to freedom the five peoples of NATO who are least
experienced in maintaining democratic government would in itself be
justification enough for Atlantic Union, if only because it would turn us to the
task we have too long overlooked -- that of learning by experience how to teach
better to others the best knowhow we have to teach, namely democratic
government. This is the hardest technique to teach because it is the hardest for
men to learn. Soviet Russia and China can teach the knowhows in technology and
science in which we have put our pride and concentrated our Point Four programs,
to our increasing danger. We have already so perfected these techniques that it
is infinitely easier to teach people how to operate and make the most
complicated (and destructive) machines than to govern themselves freedom. That
the latter should be -- at best -- so much harder to teach and to learn may seem
a paradox. Yet it is self-evident that man (whom we so often call "little")
is a far more powerful and unpredictable atom than the atoms that make our bombs
or intercontinental missiles and sputniks, since it is self-evident that it is
man who created all these wonders, and weapons.
Man can accurately foretell what atoms will do under given conditions, but
no atom and no man can predict what this or that human individual will do, can
do -- how feeble or how great he will prove at the test, of what base clay he is
really made, or of what divine spirit. And so it is a far harder and worthier
achievement for man to govern himself than for him to govern matter, dictate to
atoms, or even to other men. It is also a much more rewarding achievement.
The acme of this achievement is not for Robinson Crusoe to govern himself on
a lonely island, but for millions of Robinson Crusoes to govern themselves
together in freedom.
Each civil liberty democracy has gained its strength by proving capable of
doing what the people of Soviet Russia have not yet begun to do. All these
democracies are living proof that their citizens can govern themselves on a
basis of individual freedom and equality -- that it is possible for men to
achieve this marvel: Establish and maintain a system whereby each of these
unpredictable individuals of incalculable potential power for both evil and good
is helping govern all the others, while being governed equally at the same time
by each and all of them.4
In comparison to this marvel, how petty and pitiful is the spectacle of one
man governing other men by terror and force, even though the dictator keeps
hundreds of millions of his fellow-men in enslavement, much as a scientist keeps
in subjection a myriad of atoms ... bloodless, mindless, heartless, soul-less
Too long our aim has been centered on releasing the energy that lies in
atoms. Too long have we neglected the field where our greatest genius lies, that
of releasing the far greater energy that comes from freeing men from the
prejudice, and ignorance, and fear, and lack of faith in themselves and their
fellows, that has kept so much of humanity, through so much of its history, from
gaining for themselves and all mankind, living and unborn, the unbelievable
rewards that have always followed the Union of Free Men.
The danger to freedom in our success in teaching underdeveloped peoples to
industrialize and arm themselves, while failing to teach them democratic
government, should be evident enough in Japan's swift rise to Pearl Harbor, and
Russia's to Sputnik. The first necessity is to make clear to the new nations why
freedom is the key to peace; why the institutions of individual liberty give the
strongest human guarantees against war -- and particularly against the surprise
attack which atomic weapons make everyone fear -- whereas the institutions of
dictatorship are loaded for war and treacherous attack; and why individual
liberty is also the key to the productive power the new nations seek. All this
is not so hard to prove,5 but the 1960
United Nations Assembly makes it only too evident that our official spokesmen
have failed to persuade the new nations that the peace and prosperity they
desire should lead them, because of the nature of the institutions involved, to
help strengthen those of civil liberty in the great powers, not those of
Freedom Is in a Dangerous Minority
Freedom requires a political ability that the human race all too evidently
is slow to acquire. It is so hard for people to govern themselves with equal
individual liberty that I find only about one-eighth of mankind has succeeded in
doing this as independent nations, even fairly well, for so short a period as
fifty years. Ominously, while the world's population has been "exploding"
in numbers, this small, fairly "free" fraction has grown even smaller
in the past decade, since 1950 it has shrunk from one-seventh of humanity to
one-eighth. Half of that eighth is supplied by the United States -- and its
shortcomings, particularly on the racial side, are obvious. The other half, no
less imperfect, is weakly divided into a dozen sovereign nations: The United
Kingdom, Prance, Switzerland, Belgium, Luxemburg, the Netherlands, Denmark,
Norway, Sweden, Canada, Australia, New Zealand. Some of these have been
practicing freedom for many generations; others, you may say, hardly meet my low
fifty-year test. If you find other nations that you think meet them all, you can
add them to your list; the fraction will remain small. We have already noted
that by no means all the members of NATO meet this test. And even the NATO
fifteen put together have a population of only 471,000,000 -- or one-sixth of
the 2,850,000,000 persons now6 on earth.
At best, one must agree that, for the great bulk of humanity, individual
liberty is very young indeed, is in a very vulnerable minority in a huge mass
long habituated to despotism. One must agree, too, that modern techniques in
mass deception, mass subjugation and mass destruction fearfully increase the
danger to the one-eighth of mankind who have governed themselves with a fair
degree of equal individual freedom for the past fifty years. If you agree that
freedom makes for peace and production, then you must conclude that the present
danger to the tiny free minority is a danger to all mankind, too.
So hard it is for men to practice the free way of life that individual
liberty, to rise at all and to survive long enough for men to become conditioned
to it from childhood, hitherto required the protection of inanimate Nature. So
ill-adapted is it to making war, and so vulnerable to attack do its philosophy
and institutions make it, that freedom, to grow up at all, needed such defenses
as the mountains of Switzerland, the lowlands of Holland, the English Channel
and the oceans of America.
With the development of the jet plane, the guided missile, the atomic bomb,
nothing in Nature remains now to protect liberty anywhere -- nothing but the
best in human nature, the wisdom, courage, kindness and spirit that give freedom
the power that lies in Union of the Free.
The protection that Nature no longer gives, the peoples most experienced in
freedom must themselves provide, both to defend their own liberty and to shield
nascent liberty in other countries long enough for it to take root.
The Importance of Power to Freedom And Peace
If we agree that the freest nation is the least aggressive and the most
productive, the problem of peace, both on its political and economic sides,
boils down to the question: How to put more and more of the world's power
under freedom? How to put enough moral and material power behind it soon enough
to eliminate present dangers, and long enough to enable the host of young
nations to develop themselves educationally, industrially, and politically, and
to permit freedom to spread and grow all over the world?
To abolish the United Nations veto or try to change the United Nations into
a world government now is clearly no answer to this problem. Such policies
merely shift to the seven-eighths of mankind, who are inexperienced in freedom,
more voice in the control of the power that the free eighth now divide.
Nor can the problem be answered by the free militarizing themselves as they
are now doing, giving the government more and more power over the citizen,
resorting in peacetime to propaganda, spying and secrecy -- going, in short, the
way of dictatorship.
In the game with dictatorship that we must win, freedom obliges the free to
play with cards face up against an opponent whose cards are face down. To govern
ourselves freely we must know what our government is doing. But there is no way
whereby we can keep an eye on it without everyone on earth -- and the Kremlin
first of all -- knowing everything we learn. We can know what the Canadians,
British, French and other democratic governments are doing because their people
have institutions like ours for keeping tabs on their governments. But none of
us can know what is happening under the Communist dictatorship any more than can
And so the free must win in a game for keeps, where the cards of Uncle Sam,
John Bull, Marianne de France are face up on the table, with the searchlight of
the press and opposition parties playing not only on the cards but up the
sleeves of the players and under their part of the table to make sure that
nothing phony is going on -- and trying ... vainly ... to reach the other end of
the table where the master of the Kremlin sits with his cards hidden in his
There is only one possible way to win in such a game, and that is to have so
strong a hand that no dictator can challenge it. Clearly freedom can not hold
such a hand while its cards are divided as they are now.
How can the free gain such a hand? There is only one way: By ceasing to
leave freedom's cards divided among fifteen "sovereign" players. By
ceasing to play their aces and trumps against each other. By putting their cards
together in one hand, played by a Federal Union government representing all the
In other terms, the answer is that of Union Now: Federate the
freest fraction of mankind in a Great Union of the Free, and thereafter extend
this federal relationship to other nations as rapidly as this proves
practicable, until the whole world is thus eventually governed by freedom and
No halfway Union, whether in powers or members, will answer the problem of
giving freedom decisive power without sacrificing liberty in the process.
The Five-Ace Union
Only by fully federating all the free fraction can the free gain the
decisive power they need, morally, militarily, politically, to save themselves
and world peace. The post- war Union Now pointed out in 1949:
Such is the power that freedom produces through union that this small
minority need only federate for their Union to hold all four aces, and the joker
-- the hand that can be played face up, and win.
The ace of clubs, or armed power: Union would make them far stronger
in land power, give freedom the bulk of the world's air power, 91 per cent of
the world's naval tonnage, 100 per cent atomic power, and strategic bases all
over the globe.
The ace of spades, or productive power: Tangled up though they are
with their tariffs and currencies, the free seventh has long out-produced all
the rest of the world -- and how freedom's production would soar if the free
nations all had one currency and formed one free-trade market as the forty-eight
United States do!
The ace of diamonds, or raw material power ...
The ace of hearts, or moral power: This Union would unite all the
peoples toward whom the rest of humanity has long looked for refuge from
oppression, and leadership toward liberty. Union, by giving it every ace, would
add irresistible power to freedom's appeal.
All four aces, and the joker, too -- the Union's power to grow: The
Union need only admit other nations to it as they proved their freedom to keep
on increasing its overwhelming power.
Never was so great an opportunity offered to a free people as that which
history offers now to the citizens of the United States.
In 1952 General Eisenhower confirmed this in his NATO report: "Visible
and within our grasp we have the possibility of building such military, economic
and moral strength as the Communist world would never dare challenge." And
he added: "Then the Atlantic Community will have proved worthy of its
history and its God-given endowments. We shall have proved our union the world's
most potent influence toward peace."
We put our trust, however, in alliance, not in union. So did he as
President, although in the same report he had said: "Peacetime coalitions
throughout history have been weak and notoriously inefficient."
The resulting weakness has led us inevitably to begin turning down our
cards, too, little by little. Let us fool ourselves no longer. As the U-2 spy
plane affair showed all the world so luridly, we are copying dictatorship when
we seek strength by spying, secrecy, giving more power to the Executive, making
the people depend blindly on the Government.
True, one must fight fire with fire at times -- but one can burn oneself
badly that way. Must we burn ourselves worse than with the U-2 before we fight
fire with less dangerous means?
With the Soviet space-ship orbiting above every 91 minutes as I write, some
may fear that the proverbial power that lies in union can no longer give freedom
the unchallengeable hand that was in our grasp in 1952. If so, it is still true
that the more strength we gain that way the safer we shall be. For my part, I
believe that we can still thus gain the unbeatable hand we need ... but we have
no time to lose.
The "Balance of Terror" in Armed Power
Armed power was about the only important thing in which the combined
strength of the dictatorships, compared to that of the democracies, was
relatively high before World War II, as reflected in the tables in Union Now.
The fact that nations so poor and so weak in so many other respects should be so
heavily and expensively armed by dictatorship, while democracy kept the richest
and strongest peoples from spending relatively so much on arming, tells its own
story. And the tragic story began six months after Union Now appeared.
Today, armed power is still, significantly, the thing that dictatorship has
built up out of all proportion to its strength in other respects, the thing in
which it is in relatively the best position to challenge the NATO fifteen now.
So much more is kept secret now than then, that it seems useless to try to pin
any comparison of relative strength down to figures. Two great differences with
1939 need to be noted: a) atomic, missile, air and submarine power has grown so
enormously on both sides that b) there is now much stronger agreement all round
that each is able to destroy the other, no matter who starts, and that therefore
a "balance of terror" has been reached which serves as a powerful
deterrent to war. The point was well put by Dr. Harold C. Urey, the atomic
scientist who won the Nobel Prize, when he said at the University of Southern
California on August 10, 1960:
At present, estimates have been made that there exist stored within the
various countries of the world explosives equivalent to the order of ten tons of
TNT for every man, woman and child on the surface of the earth. Never before
have men stored such enormous quantities of explosives. Rockets have been
developed capable of delivering hydrogen bombs one-third of the way around the
earth, and there is no certainty that the end is in sight at all.
What I wish to emphasize is that the magnitude of these changes is so great
that it involves a change in the quality of the modern world. For the first time
in history, no country is large enough to maintain within its border a
relatively secure heartland which can be regarded as free from attack.
It is often stated that the idea of overwhelming strength on the part of the
democracies of the world as opposed to the Communist bloc is impossible since
both sides have atomic and hydrogen bombs, and this makes any disparity in
military strength impossible. I think this is true, or that it will be true in a
But it is also stated, and I believe correctly, that neither side can use
these immensely powerful weapons for they will surely destroy both sides in a
major conflict. I rather think that this is understood by the people of the
United States and those who represent us in Washington. I also think that it is
realized by the Soviet Union. It is not so certain that Communist China
appreciates the situation, but it is to be hoped that she will before long. As a
practical matter of pursuing the policies of these individual groups, it is not
possible to use these great weapons.
All of us, therefore, must fall back on something else. In fact, it appears
that the Soviet Union is actively pursuing a policy of disruption in any part of
the world where it can exert influence -- Cuba, Africa, the Middle East, the Far
East -- and attempts are made to promote disorder and misunderstanding in Europe
and between Europe and the United States. In other words it is pursuing other
means of waging modern conflict than the use of atomic bombs. This means that
the West must strengthen its means of waging its war along similar lines. The
Union of the democratic countries of the West in a Federal Government would
promote great strength along these other lines.
Union Increases Our Atomic Power in Four Ways
Before considering the non-military power factors in the problem, let us
note that Atlantic Union would greatly strengthen the position of the free as
regards atomic and other modern weapons. It would do this in at least four ways.
First, Union - would give Atlantica two tremendous strategic advantages:
1) Its territory and industrial and military centers would be much more widely
dispersed than those of the United States or Soviet Russia, and 2) it would have
dependable bases much nearer to Communism's citadel than the United States has,
or than the Kremlin has to the Union's citadel in North America. True, the
United States now has bases in Western Europe, but whether these can be used at
the showdown is very doubtful. This doubt is inherent in the alliance system. It
had been increased by agreements that give each country, on whose soil these
bases are situated a veto over American use of certain weapons. The uncertainty
is growing greater in Britain as a result of the rise of unilateral atomic
disarmament, anti-American and neutralist sentiment, particularly in the left
wing of the Labor Party. It is growing in France, as a result of President de
Gaulle's "nationalistic" policies. The uncertainty regarding American
bases in Europe inevitably encourages Communist aggression. Merely by replacing
this doubt with certainty, Atlantic Union would immensely strengthen Freedom's
hand while saving at least $10 billions a year7
-- and discouraging the Kremlin and Peking from risking atomic war.
Experience shows that dictators are highly unlikely to attack unless they
believe they have a good chance to win not merely the opening battle but the
war, without suffering more destruction themselves than the prize is worth. The
present "balance of terror" already acts as powerful deterrent; the
more impossible we make it for Moscow to wipe out our means of devastating
retaliation to any attack it launches, the stronger this deterrent becomes.
Those who still fear that the Kremlin would attack this gigantic, widely
dispersed Union, should fear even more that it will attack the United States, or
any European Union.
It is important to note, too, that both strategic advantages which Atlantic
Union brings would increase as it admitted other nations to it -- and we have
already seen that one could hope for the first of these to include far-flung
countries from all around the globe.8
Secondly, Atlantic Union would immensely and immediately advance
Atlantic development of all modern weapons. It would do this also in two
ways. First, it would eliminate the shocking waste of money and time, and of
scientific and engineering minds and knowledge that is inevitable in the present
system, or in any alternative short of Atlantic federation. The latest example
of this financial waste is the current decision of President de Gaulle to spend
$2.4 billion more on arming France atomically. It seems to me idle to single him
out for censure because of this, or to blame him alone for "excessive
nationalism," or as being "obsessed" with the idea of French "grandeur."
It was no less wasteful and nationalistic for Britain to make its own atomic
bombs. The-primary responsibility for all this, however, lies not in London or
Paris, but in Washington. It set the nationalistic example, and by its policy of
not sharing its secrets with its friends it practically forced these proud
powers to take the course they took. If the situation were reversed, and France
were in our position and the United States and Britain were in that of France,
would not we and the British insist as strongly as President de Gaulle does on
having our own atomic bombs, and an equal voice with France on world policy?
My own view is that President de Gaulle's "excessive nationalism"
results, in last analysis, from his believing, not that this is wiser for France
than an Atlantic Union, but that nationalism and "power politics" are
in control in Washington, and therefore the only realistic policy for France is
to follow suit. I believe that this assumption is based on a profound
misconception of the American people, but I can understand why this view of the
United States is widely held in West Europe. One of the strong driving forces
behind many supporters of European Union is the belief that, to stand up to
Washington, one must have power, and the only way to get enough power to deal
with it as an equal is to federate Western Europe. Because of this reasoning,
European Union is often urged as an essential first step to Atlantic Union, if
not the only way, to bring the United States in.
During the war, General de Gaulle had no little cause to conclude that, in
last analysis, only power counts with Washington and London. Commenting on the
absence of his government at Yalta -- where Roosevelt and Churchill went to
accommodate a dictator who had gained his power by atrocious purges - I wrote in
the March 1945 Federal Union World:
In 1939 when France was heavily armed it had a full voice in Big Power
meetings. Now it is weak, and snubbed. Though much of the war is being fought on
its soil, decisions of vital interest to it are taken without consulting it. The
lesson is plain to every Frenchman ... if you would have the position you had
before, then arm, arm, arm ... If you cannot equal the U.S. in power, you can
hope to equal Britain. It does not matter what you do to gain power ... if the
end result is to give you great armed power, then Uncle Sam and John Bull will
come knocking deferentially at your door. That is the lesson Yalta teaches, and
to peace it is poison.
The Yalta poison is still working.
Even worse than the waste of money our atomic policy has caused, is the
waste of time, knowledge, scientists technicians, and prestige. We have deprived
the best scientists and engineers in Western Europe of facts and techniques we
have learned, and have diverted many of them into trying to learn secrets which
the less scrupulous Communists already know. By Union we would have had them
helping push forward the frontiers of science. We thus contributed heavily to
Moscow's gaining the prestige Sputnik gave it. If we are making the British and
French learn the hard way some of our "secrets," they are making us
learn just as wastefully certain secrets they have each discovered. Atlantic
Union would reverse this idiotic policy. It would pool all of Atlantica's
secrets and scientists. These are by no means limited to the Americans, British
and French; witness the part that Danes, Germans, Italians and others played in
the atomic breakthrough. The gain that would result for all of us from
positively uniting our best scientific and engineering knowledge and brains is
Greater Atomic Security Through Union
Thirdly, Atlantic Union would assure better security for our secrets
than present United States policy, which was adopted primarily for reasons of
security. Once all the secrets of the Americans, British, French and other
members of an Atlantic Union were transferred to the Union government, there
would no longer be the danger of leaks in this or that nation there is now. All
the people of the Union would have a voice in determining policy in this field,
but their national governments would no longer have anything to do with it -- no
more than the Tennessee state government now has any control over atomic plants
on its territory, or any knowledge of Washington's secrets. The security
advantages of Atlantic Union were pointed out by Dr. Urey long before Soviet
Russia learned our atomic secrets. He wrote in the July 1947 Freedom &
We would not give the atomic secrets to France, to England, to Holland, any
more than we give our present secrets to the state of Illinois. There might be
citizens of other countries (in the Union) who would know these secrets, but if
so, they would be controlled by law, just as are the citizens of the state of
Illinois at present.
Before the Fuchs case proved him right, Dr. Urey went on to warn: "There
are people in England, France, Denmark, who know a great deal about our atomic
secrets. We have no control over their actions by any legal methods." The
Union plan, he continued, "would replace the situation in which we have no
legal control over people who know atomic bomb secrets, with one in which some
sort of control would be set up, and thus from the standpoint of military
secrets, the situation would be improved." Whatever leaks might occur
through Union, he added, "would not be as important as the greatly
increased military strength of such a federal union."
Fourthly, Atlantic Union would ease the problem of securing atomic
agreement with the nations outside the Union, particularly Russia. Here
again the Union would be much better off than is the United States today. It
would need merely to admit other nations to it to extend its Atomic Authority's
jurisdiction. As this increased its gigantic power in every field, the Kremlin's
position would be made so weak that it might well prefer to reach atomic
agreement with the Union soon after its creation, just as it buried the hatchet
with Hitler when it felt relatively weak.
Fifthly, Atlantic Union would reduce the number of atomic powers from
four to two, and end the danger of Germany entering that club.
Atlantic Non-military Power in 1939 And Now
Meanwhile, the "balance of terror," while requiring the free to
keep up their guard militarily, makes the non-military factors in power all the
Atlantica clearly does not have the same degree of non-military material
power that Union Now showed in Chapter V9
it had in 1939. Nor does the addition of Western Germany, Italy, and the other
NATO countries suffice to compensate for all the material power lost. Even so, I
am convinced that the NATO fifteen, by federating their strength, would still
gain material power, to an overwhelming degree, compared to the combined
strength of Russia and China, and moral power even more.
The addition of Germany and Italy to the Union Now group increases,
of course, the relative world power of Atlantica in the Chapter V measurements
that concern manufacturing, transportation and finance. The losses are mainly in
raw materials, area and population; they result from the transformation of the
Belgian, British, Dutch and French Empires into more than thirty new sovereign
nations. These losses, however, are more apparent than real, for the simple
reason that, if these peoples are to raise their standards as they wish, the
great bulk of their products must be exchanged in Atlantica for the latter's
manufactured goods and stored capital. This is inevitable for the coming years,
at least (and Atlantic Union would make it inevitable indefinitely), because
only Atlantica has the surplus financial and manufacturing power they need, and
the merchant marine to carry their goods to market and bring back their
The low living standards and other domestic needs of Russia and China will
not permit them for a number of years to do more than score economic propaganda
points such as they have made in Cuba. They can make a showing in a few
commodities in a few countries, but if this ever led all -- or many of -- the
new countries to turn, like Castro and Lumumba, their hands to the Communist
empires for salvation, and their backs to Atlantica, they would soon learn to
their grief what a mirage Russia and China really present. Atlantica has the
further immense advantage that nearly all the leaders of these new countries
were educated in America, Britain and France, and speak -- and what is more
important -- think in English or French. Add Spanish and Portuguese, and all
these considerations apply also to Latin America. All this immense raw material
power is so much, by the nature of the situation, on the side of Atlantica, that
it could lose this only by continuing the folly of the past twenty years.
These realities belie the apparent changes that national independence has
introduced into the picture as presented in 1939. Because of this, and because
figures for Soviet Russia and China are always doubtful and propagandistic and
completely lacking on some things (such as -- significantly -- gold), it has not
seemed to me worthwhile to revise now in detail the tables in Chapter V.
Moreover, I think that the basic points in that chapter can be proved without
revising its tables, and that the space can be better used to do two things that
I did not develop there. These are the fact (which I have already touched on)
that the strength that union brings is far greater than the sum of its parts and
-- particularly -- the fact that the power that the mere act of union gives the
free would daunt the Communists much more than superiority in material power.
Why Union's Proverbial Power Most Impresses Moscow
Rate freedom's existing power as you will, by federating it politically and
economically we would make it much greater than that of the United States alone.
Mr. K could no longer hope to surpass it by 1970, or 2000. Moreover, in that
period federation would immensely stimulate the growth of freedom's power in
every field -- not only in per capita production and standards of living, but on
the political, military, scientific, educational and moral sides. These factors
are so interrelated that, when combined the Federal Union way, their power
becomes immensely greater than by any other combination of them. Federation
raises their power as a straight flush does that of five cards.
You may think that instead of five aces -- as in 1939 and 1949 -- freedom
now holds only an ace, king, queen, jack and ten. If those cards are combined
the alliance or confederation way, in different "sovereign" suits, you
have only a "straight," which is not too hard to beat in the poker
game the world is in.
If, however, all five cards belong to the same suit, this one change, which
seems so slight, makes the hand 255 times stronger -- an unbeatable royal flush.
Similarly, when freedom's power is no longer divided among different nations but
united in one Atlantic Federal Union, its hand becomes unbeatable.
The Atlantic community has not yet begun to gain the strength that comes
from organic Union. Here is our vast reservoir of unused power. It costs us
nothing to harness this power -- except the loss of prejudices and ideas that
are contrary to our basic free principles. The power Atlantica would gain is not
only the cheapest, but the kind that would most impress Moscow, and Peking, for
First, the Communists have made a fetish of unity, They have carried their "monolithic"
unity to the extreme of tyranny. They bank on this extreme unity, which is
inherent in Communism, and on the extreme disunity which they believe is
inherent in free enterprise and individual liberty, to deliver our grandchildren
to their system. The glasses that we Atlanticans wear magnify for us even
microscopic dangers and difficulties to freedom in union -- but those that the
Communists wear magnify immensely in their eyes the proverbial strength and
other advantages that Atlantic Union would bring us.
Secondly, the Communists know that they cannot possibly begin to compete
with us in the kind of power that union brings. For one thing, they have already
practically exhausted this resource, which we Atlanticans have hardly started to
harness. They have carried unity to such extremes that the Kremlin is now trying
to decentralize industry to some degree to increase efficiency. And they know
that whereas the assets they had, or have, are relatively half-developed, the
nations of Atlantica include the most highly-developed ones on earth; they have
the kind of assets whose power can be most quickly multiplied by the inherent
magic of union.
Atlantic Union would most impress the Communists because, thirdly, it would
come with the force of surprise as would nothing else we could do. One reason
why may suffice. The creation of this Union by common agreement would prove that
a basic Marxist dogma is unfounded. The Communists believe that "greed for
profits" must inevitably drive the capitalist countries into cut-throat
competition and conflict for markets. This has all too often been true, but the
Thirteen States, by their great experiment in Federal Union, proved that free
enterprise states can -- by applying between them their basic principles instead
of sacrificing them -- create a much richer common market. From it everyone
benefits, by the elimination of trade barriers and other nationalistic rivalry,
and by the continued competition of free enterprise. The latter requires that
the competition be the peaceful, healthy one between citizens or corporations.
The unhealthy, war-producing competition of nations results from the doctrine of
national sovereignty -- not from the principles of capitalism. The latter are,
in fact, contrary to that doctrine.
By taking the road to Atlantic Federation we knock out this keystone of
Communist ideology. We prove that "St." Lenin and "St." Marx
were completely wrong in their teachings on this essential point. We cannot
deliver a blow that is more bewildering and devastating to the Marxists, inside
and outside Russia, than this is.
The downgrading of Stalin opened a door to revolution in Eastern Europe. But
he was attacked for the terroristic means he employed (and that are inevitable
in the Communist system) -- not for error in his Marxist thinking. All that Mr.
Khrushchev did was to slap Stalin's bloody hands. Atlantic Union, by peacefully
uniting the capitalist nations, would hit straight at the heart of Leninism and
Revolutionist Values, Lenin's Low Point -- And The Spirit of `76 And `87
When Chairman Khrushchev made his first visit to the United States, the type
of American mind that counts on Sears Roebuck catalogs rather than on Whitman's
"By Blue Ontario's Shore" to impress revolutionists, fondly believed
that the sight of our many material achievements would daunt Mr. K. The event
confirmed instead what I wrote in the September Freedom & Union just before
More probably it will be a stimulating challenge to him. Why? Because he has
what we do not seem to have any more at the top levels -- the revolutionist's
standard of values, which ranks idea-power far above material power. The
revolutionist is a man who believes his idea is so powerful that he is willing
to tackle incredible material odds.
In his Lenin, David Shub writes: "Isolated from events in
Russia, deserted by many of his early followers, struggling to pay his modest
living expenses, seeking in vain to rally Socialists of other lands to his
slogan of international civil war, Lenin, at the end of 1916, was hitting the
bottom rung of his ladder. Never did his words seem to attract fewer followers."
Utter weakness on his side, plus the fact that on the other side all the
armed power of Russia was mobilized under the Czar, did not suffice to daunt
Lenin -- and ten months later he was in control of Russia. This is the kind of
spirit that has been glorified in Russia, not merely by propaganda but by what
it has achieved before the eyes of living men. It is bound to affect
particularly the values and judgments of those who have reached the top, as has
Mr. K, by their natural aggressiveness, ruthlessness.
We Americans once put will power and political ideas far above material
strength ... back in the days when Tom Paine wrote of a ragged militia
confronting all the armed might of Great Britain: "We have it in our power
to begin the world over again," and James Wilson told his fellow-delegates
at the 1787 Convention, "we are laying the foundations for a building,
which is to last for ages." But we have drifted so far from this "Common
Sense" of 1776 that our hopes of impressing Mr. K are now put in electric
kitchens rather than in electrifying thought and action.10
What Brought Moscow's Only Concessions
The best proof of the decisive strength that still lies for Atlantica in
Union may be found in Moscow's reactions to the steps already taken in this
direction. In 1948, our atomic monopoly, plus our superior sea and air power,
plus the contrast between our intact industrial plant and the devastation the
war still left in Russia -- all this did not keep Moscow from daring to blockade
Berlin then. But when that led us to form the Atlantic alliance in 1949, even
this "notoriously inefficient" type of unity (to quote again General
Eisenhower's 1952 NATO report) caused Stalin himself to abandon that blockade,
immediately. Moscow, moreover, left Berlin tranquil for the next ten years. When
we moved to strengthen Atlantic unity still more by admitting the German Federal
Republic to NATO, and permitting it to rearm, Moscow made all manner of threats
to prevent this, but when this was carried through in 1955, the Kremlin -- where
Mr. Khrushchev was then in power with Mr. Bulganin -- promptly withdrew from
No other moves we have made since the war have brought such important -- and
unilateral -- concessions as did these, the only important steps to strengthen
Atlantic unity that we have taken in those fifteen years.
Surely this is proof enough that the power that union brings Atlantica
impresses Moscow more than any other power we can get. It should also suffice to
reassure those who agree that Union would put overwhelming power behind freedom,
but who fear it would make Communism's future so hopeless that the Kremlin would
seek to block it by "getting tough," or even by launching a preventive
war. The fact is that, whether or not the "balance of terror" suffices
to deter attack -- and it will not if by continued disunion we let that balance
become too unfavorable -- Atlantic Union is our surest hope not merely to
prevent war, but to put, and keep, the Communist empires in a conciliatory mood.
Moscow in The Lion's Cage
When we see a man with a whip and a chair alone in a cage of lions, we are
amazed that these kings of the jungle haven't sense enough to unite their
immensely superior strength against the tamer, who exploits their common inner
weakness to their humiliation. Similarly, we can count on the Communists to see
how overwhelmingly powerful the Sovereign Nations of Atlantica would be if only
they united, and to be amazed that we haven't sense enough to see this
ourselves. They have seen us act so senselessly so long in the name of freedom
that one can hardly blame them for concluding that we are no more intelligent
than the animals our nations put their pride in-lions, eagles, fighting cocks.
The most convinced Communists will probably be the last to believe that we free
Atlanticans are really capable of being rational men. And so, whatever Mr. K may
rule the Kremlin, he cannot but believe that all he needs to do is bluff with a
whip, flourish an empty chair, and toss us -- when we all growl in too ominous a
chorus -- enough raw meat to keep our "Sovereign Nations" snarling at
each other. In other words, if the animals of the Atlantic jungle should show
any symptoms of common sense, the Communist leaders, though inwardly aware that
this -- if continued -- would mean the end of their dreams, could not believe
that it could possibly continue, if they tossed us in time a juicy concession.
Communists simply cannot remain true to Communist thinking and believe that
capitalist peoples can really organically unite. And the success they have thus
far had in checking Atlantic unification by quick concessions must strengthen
them in this belief.
Why Union Would Make Moscow Conciliatory, Not Warlike
Why did Moscow drop the Berlin blockade when we made the Atlantic alliance?
To remove our incentive to unite further. And it worked. Instead of moving on
toward Union, we Atlanticans were soon growling at each other over Korea, China,
Indo-China. No wonder Premier Malenkov chortled on August 8, 1953: "If
today, in conditions of tension in international relations, the North Atlantic
bloc is rent by internal strife and contradictions, the lessening of this
tension may lead to its disintegration." A little later he was thrown out
by Mr. Khrushchev -- but not his lion-tamer strategy. For when the Atlantic
Sovereign Nations began to think enough like men to strengthen NATO with West
Germany in 1955, his successor tossed them the Soviet withdrawal from Austria.
This worked so well that Atlantica, instead of uniting effectively, within a
year was near "its disintegration" over Suez.
To folksy Mr. K, this must have confirmed the wisdom not only of Marxist
thinking but of the old Russian custom of throwing meat to the wolves. Folk
memories of Russians run to wolves rather than lions. That is another reason to
believe that concessions will be the Russian response when they find the lions
of the Atlantic jungle gaining the degree of intelligence the wolves of the
steppes show by hunting in packs.
If an Atlantic Convention moves boldly toward Union the intra-Atlantic
tensions and difficulties that stand in the way will still encourage Moscow to
continue a conciliatory policy, aimed at increasing the obstacles and lessening
incentive to unite, rather than to risk a warlike attitude that would increase
that incentive and lessen the difficulties facing Union. It will take time to
make an Atlantic Union, and in the earlier stages success is bound to seem most
problematical; when the Rubicon is crossed it will seem insignificant compared
to the mountains ahead. As Atlantica advances toward Union, success will always
remain in doubt. This will help keep Moscow trying to stop it with bigger and
better concessions. One can be sure that through the Convention stage, and even
more during the stage of ratifying a Union constitution, we Atlanticans will
ourselves give plenty of reason to believe that we will never be men enough to
achieve Union without war. And so our doubts, and their wishful thinking, will
combine to lead the Communists to destruction. Once Atlantic Union confronts
them -- a fait accompli that proves that Marx's basic belief about us was false
-- they will be as helplessly vulnerable as the trainer who suddenly finds that
his whip, his chair and his chunk of meat no longer work.
- The poem and the chapter on the
philosophy "Of Freedom and Union" were written, the former in 1928,
the latter (in first draft) in 1932, for other books that I have never finished.
After the basic idea of Atlantic Union of the Free came to me, late in 1933, and
grew into Union Now, I rewrote and expanded the philosophy behind it,
and later added the poem, which seemed to me to fit in this picture, too.
- One must achieve, in fact, more than
the ideal in the end, for one's standards and means of attaining them improve in
the process of seeking to attain the original goal.
- Even in the 17th century this Empire's
duration led the English diplomat, Ricaut, stationed in Constantinople when the
British Empire was only beginning, to write a book to explain what made the
Turkish Empire endure. In it he exclaimed: "To discover the maxims of
government of the best established Republics, such as those founded on reason
and on religion, is no easier than to decipher an enigma and explain a
mystery.... When I consider the Turkish manner of governing, I cannot but admire
the long duration of this great and vast Empire, and I can attribute its
immovable firmness inside and its expansion through the constant progress of its
arms only to some supernatural cause rather than to ordinary political maxims."
This is my translation from the French edition of his book, entitled, l'Etat
Présent de l'Empire Ottoman, published by Jean Lucas in Rouen in
1687, which I bought in the Istanbul bazaar in 1923.
- For a much fuller discussion of all
this, see the author's Freedom Against Itself (Harper 1954) especially
Chapters 9, "The Cinderella Science", 14, "How Freedom Arms
Dictatorship," and 15, "Freedom is Hardest to Govern."
- Reasons why freedom is the key to
peace, and to production are set forth concisely on pages 268-273 of the Postwar
edition of Union Now.
- Now (October 13, 1960) on earth.
- See Chapter 9 for this estimate by P.
F. Brundage, former Director of the United States Budget Bureau.
- See the end of this chapter and also
Chapter 12, for further reassurance Atlantic Union would give against Communist
- This chapter had to be omitted in Book
II from lack of space in this volume but its results may be found in summary
form in Chapter I, third section, entitled "Fifteen Founder Democracies."
- Fortunately, Vice President Nixon's
experience with Mr. K at the kitchen door seems to have awakened him to the need
of fighting ideas with better ones, judging from his masterly TV speech to the
Soviet audience, -- and even more from the Atlantic Confederation proposal he
later joined Governor Rockefeller in making (which we shall discuss in the next
Contents -- Chapter 1
-- Chapter 3