THE WRITINGS OF







THOMAS JEFFERSON







Definitive Edition







CONTAINING HIS







AUTOBIOGRAPHY, NOTES ON VIRGINIA, 



PARLIAMENTARY MANUAL, OFFICIAL PAPERS, 



MESSAGES AND ADDRESSES , AND OTHER



WRITINGS, OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE, 



NOW COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED 



IN THEIR ENTIRETY FOR THE FIRST TIME







INCLUDING 







ALL OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT



OF STATE AND PUBLISHED IN 1853 BY ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE 



OF CONGRESS







WITH A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYTICAL INDEX







ALBERT ELLERY BERGH 



EDITOR







VOL. IV.







ISSUED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF







THE THOMAS JEFFERSON MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION 



OF THE UNITED STATES WASHINGTON, D. C.







1907







JEFFERSON AS A PROMOTER OF 



GENERAL EDUCATION .







"Institutions," it has been said, "are the lengthening shadows of men." In a

large sense this is true. Institutions, systems and governments find their

first general expression in the words of a few men who work and toil for

humanity. It is well, therefore, that at times we go back to the original

declaration ,­the springs from which have flowed the rivers that refresh and

benefit mankind. The subject may not be a new one, yet the particular

manifestation, or phase of it, in a community or nation, will be found to have

originated in the mind and from the efforts and writings of a man.







Whatever else may be said or thought of Thomas Jefferson, all agree that he was

unique and strong in his personality, and, in history, he stands among the few

"upon the mountain heights." It is, I think, agreed that he belonged to that

small number; who in the great highway of life are far in advance of their age;

who see some things clearly which are obscure to others that stand around them.

It is more than far-sighted ness; it is rather a spiritual possession; a deep

intuition that takes hold of right by instinct and sees States and systems 







ii Jefferson as a Promoter of







as the artist sees the picture or the form before the brush has touched the

canvas, or the marble has felt the chisel. The age rejects the vision because

the masses have not the knowledge or faith to see it, but the day dawns at

last­too late for the seer to participate in the action­whe n the people reach

the point of view and then the world says, "He saw and expressed it a century

or twenty centuries ago." This power is not the result of education; it is

instinct in some great souls. Education aids in the expression of the thought;

it builds around it a fortificatio n of defense; but the time comes when the

simple statement of the truth is all that is needed. It is accepted, not

because it can be defended, but because the enlightene d minds of earth see

that it is right. I have made these introductory statements because what

Jefferson said in reference to education are in the main common and accepted

theories to-day.







It might well be expected that in speaking upon this topic much should be said

about the efforts of Thomas Jefferson to secure legislation in his State in the

interest of education. The education bill which he prepared and labored so hard

and long to have adopted by the Virginia Legislature , is worthy of study and

comment. Especially would it be pleasant and appropriat e to speak of his

splendid work in establishin g and building that great institution of learning,

the University of Virginia,­a n institution which in its constitutio n, its

form of organizatio n,







General Education iii







its curriculum, and its architectur e, bears the imprint of his noble mind. One

thinks of this university with profound admiration. Its service has been long

and excellent; but when we think of the University of Virginia, great as its

service has been in the usual work of the university, our minds instinctivel y

recall its "honor system," which differentiat es it from other great

universitie s. To teach men honor, and to require them to organize for the

defence and maintenanc e of honor in student life and conduct, is to grow men

who will stand for the State, the observance of law, not as a matter of

expediency or policy, but as the high and controlling duty of the citizen.

Nothing in the developmen t of this university could better exemplify the

thought and character of its founder.







But it is not these works of Thomas Jefferson which come involuntari ly to the

mind when he is spoken of as a promoter of education that I wish to emphasize.

Rather let me recall a few fundamenta l and unique principles which he believed

in and advocated.







He believed profoundly in the education of all the children in the State, of

rich and poor alike, in the fundamenta l or elementary courses of instruction

at public expense. In his famous education bill the first provision was for

elementary schools, free to the children of every citizen, where competent

instruction was to be given in "reading, writing, common arithmetic, and

general geography. "







iv Jefferson as a Promoter of







We need not quarrel with the curriculum; that is a detail. The great thought

underlying it and of vital interest, is expressed in two letters upon the

subject. Writing to Mr. C. C. Blatchley, he said: "I look to the diffusion of

light and education as the source most to be relied on for amelioratin g the

condition, promoting the virtue and advancing the happiness of man." And again,

writing to James Madison, he said: "Above all things I hope the education of

the common people will be attended to; convinced that on their good sense we

may rely with the most security for the preservatio n of a due degree of

liberty."







The great general principle, the mighty underlying , foundation truth, is that

in the general elementary education of all the people there will be found the

way, and the only way, to virtue, happiness, security, and liberty. There are

no conditions or provisos in this social law. Religion, race, conditions­

material, social and political­do not lessen its importance, or vary its

operation, or impose any conditions upon it. Will you have a happy, virtuous

people, a free, a secure State? then educate all the people in the fundamenta l

subjects of knowledge; instruct every child to read, that he may ­know what is

going on in the world; instruct him m those other necessary branches of

learning that he may keep his part in the world's work going right. In the free

public schools are the tap-roots of true citizenship.







General Education v







Jefferson provided in his education bill for higher education­ for colleges and

university. Specializati on was limited in his day as compared with our present

conditions. Then higher education was for those who were to enter the learned

professions and for the leisure classes. To-day we offer systematic and

scientific education to all who are preparing for almost every department of

life. But the general thought he expressed is still true and applicable. He

said: "I do most anxiously wish to see the highest degrees of education given

to the highest degrees of genius."







If perfection of operation is so desirable and so much sought after in

mechanics, what efforts are too great, what sacrifices too rich in effort or

money, to develop perfection in the minds and hands of the men who are, and are

always to be, the factors in the developmen t, progress, civilization, and

service of mankind! Colleges, universitie s, professiona l and technical

schools are necessary for those who are to do the intellectual labor, the

scientific and skilled work in the world's great laboratorie s. Here in this

upper sphere of education there are two thoughts of Jefferson that we may well

consider. ' The first is method­an d here we find the approved method

exemplified in Jefferson's way of doing things. Men of his type are not

satisfied to take things at second hand which may be acquired from original

sources. He urged the study of languages­ of which he possessed



vi Jefferson as a Promoter of







a knowledge of four­that the thoughts of men worth the reading and study might

be obtained in the very words in which the thoughts were expressed; deeming the

words selected by the author important to a true understand ing of the idea. He

says: "To all this I add, that to read the Latin and Greek authors in their

original is a sublime luxury; and I deem luxury in science at least as

justifiable as in architectur e, painting, gardening, or the other arts."







Writing to a friend in France, in later life, upon the subject of fitting one's

self for public life and especially for the duties of a legislator, he said, in

substance: Go among the people, lounge upon their beds that you may see how

hard they are; eat their food that you may be able, if possible, to put some

meat in their kettle of vegetables.







In higher education, then, we should use, to the greatest degree possible, the

method of original research. Let the student in engineerin g learn and

establish himself in the laboratorie s and workshops where "things are done."

Let the student of chemistry bend over fierce fires and the refining pot. Let

the student of history learn some things from the men who are making history.

Let the student of jurisprude nce take his knowledge from jurists and judicial

opinions. And let the student of the classics find in tombs and buried cities a

knowledge of the ancients, and read his poetry and prose in the languages in

which they were written.







General Education vii







The second thought in this higher realm is suggested in that proviso which

Jefferson added to the second section of his bill. Colleges were to be within a

day's ride of every inhabitant, and a university in the State. Of course, these

institutions were open to all who could provide for themselves and pay the

tuition. But this strange man was always looking out for picked men to serve

the State; not necessarily in public life, but in all those higher walks that

make the higher civilization. And he believed that there was material for high

and noble service among the poor. He would, therefore, have free scholarship s

in these colleges for the poor man's son. But how was the selection to be made?

What tests were to be applied in admitting to these free courses? The provision

reads: "For the full education at the public expense of select subjects from

among the poor who shall have exhibited at the elementary schools the most

pronounce d indication of aptness of judgment and correct disposition. " Here

is a test, a standard for admission entirely overlooked in the present day.

States and benevolent organizatio ns of all kinds are establishin g

institutions for higher learning, and the only tests required are that the

candidate for such privileges shall have a certain per centum of the knowledge

taught in the secondary schools. "Aptness of judgment and correct disposition "

are not considered in determinin g whether the riches of these educational

advantages shall be showered







viii Jefferson as a Promoter of







without cost upon men. The result is, that in many cases young men are

instructed in higher knowledge for a profession, or a calling, for which they

have no natural fitness or qualificatio ns; the real elements of success are

not in them. We cannot prevent a man of wealth sending his son to an

institution to spend years in preparatio n for a profession in which he can

never succeed because nature made him for something else; but in giving free

education, whether by the State or by voluntary organizatio ns, this suggestion

of Jefferson partakes of that wisdom which lives in worthy men who dare to say

and dare to do the right things in all matters, even in benevolent and

political action. The higher education bestowed upon those who have not the

aptness of judgment and the correct disposition for its exercise and use, is

more than a waste of time and effort. It unfits such men for the service they

might render in humbler walks of life, makes them restless and unhappy, creates

an unstable class in society, and, therefore, renders the State less secure,­th

e very opposite results which should follow a proper control of educational

efforts.







The last thought is Jefferson's reason for education­ "the preservatio n of

liberty." How these men loved liberty! They knew its value, for they paid the

price of it. I like this thought which he expressed: "A governmen t wherein the

will of every one has a just influence . . . enjoys a precious degree of

liberty." But the "will" of the individual







General Education ix







is of little value unless there be a fair degree of intelligence among all the

people, and liberty in its highest form can not be made prevalent for good

without a general appreciatio n of its value. Spencer says truly: "The ability

of a nation to hold its own against other nations depends on the skilled

activity of its units. We see that on such knowledge may turn the nation's

fate."







And so Jefferson keeps constantly before us the thought, that, in the

elementary education of all the people, and in the higher education of those

who show indications of "aptness of judgment and correct disposition, " is to

be found happiness for the people, security and strength for the State, and the

preservatio n of liberty.







CONTENTS.







JEFFERSON AS A PROMOTER OF GENERAL EDUCATION .



By Charles Willis Needham, LL. D., President of 



Columbian University, Washington , D. C. . . . . . . . . 







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE



(1762-1784) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 - 458



To John Page, Dec. 25, 1762. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .           1



To John Page, Jan. 20, 1763. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .           6 



To John Page, July 15, 1763 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .          8 



To John Page, October 7, 1763 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        12 



To John Page, January 19, 1764. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        13



To Governor (John) Page, January 23, 1764 . . . . . .        14 



To John Page, April 9, 1764. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      16 



To John Page, February 21, 1770. . . . . . . . . . . . . .      17



To Charles McPherson, Feb. 25, 1773. . . . . . . . . ..     21



To Colonel Archibald Carey, Dec. 9, 1774.. . . . . .  .    23



To Dr. William Small, May 7, 1775 . . . . . . . . . . . .         26



To John Randolph, August 25, 1775: . . . . . . .. . . .         28



To John Randolph, November 29, 1775 .  . . . . . . . .    31



To Richard Henry Lee, July 8, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . .    34



To Dr. Benjamin Franklin, August 13, 1777 . . . . . .        34



To John Adams, Aug. 21, 1777 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         36 



To________ _, June 8, 1778 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         38



To David Rittenhous e, July 19, 1778 . . . . . . . . . . .         42



To John Page, January 22, 1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        43



To George Wythe, March 1, 1779. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        44 



To Patrick Henry, March 27, 1779. . . . . . . . . . . . .        45 



To General Washington , June 23, 1779. . . . . . . . . .        59







xii Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



( 1762-1784)- Continued . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  1 - 458 



To General Washington , July 17, 1779. . . . . . . . .         67 



To General Washington , October 1, 1779. . . . . . .          70 



To General Washington , Oct. 2, 1779. . . . . . . . . .          72 



To General Washington , Oct. 8, 1779. . . . . . . . . .          73 



To Colonel George Mathews, Oct., 1779. . . . . . . .          74 



To General Washington , Nov. 28, 1779. . . . . . . . .           78 



To General Washington , Dec. 10, 1779. . . . . . . . .         81 



To General Washington , Feb. 10, 1780. . . . . . . . . .          83 



To General De Riedesel, May 3, 1780 . . . . . . . . .  .          85 



To General Washington , June 11, 1780 . . . . . . . . .         86 



To General Washington , July 2, 1780. . . . . . . . . . .          89 



To General Edward Stevens, Aug. 4, 1780 . . . . . . .         90 



To €€, Aug. 4, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         93 



To Major-General Horatio Gates, August 15, 1780         96 



To General Washington , Sept. 3, 1780.. . . . . . . . . .          97



To General Edward Stevens, Sept. 3, 1780. . . . . . .         99



To Major-General Gates, Sept. 11, 1780. . . . . . . .         100 



To General Edward Stevens, Sept. 12, 1780. . . . . .        101 



To General Edward Stevens, Sept. 15, 1780. . . . . .        103 



To Major-Gene ral Gates, Sept. 23, 1780. . . . . . . . .        104 



To General Washington , Sept. 23, 1780. . . . . . . . .        106 



To General Washington , Sept. 26, 1780. . . . . . . . .        108 



To Major-General Gates, Oct. 4, 1780 . . . . . . . . . .         112 



To. General Gates, Oct. 15, 1780 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        116 



To General Washington, Oct. 22, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         120 



To Major-Gene ral Gates, Oct. 22, 1780 . . . . . . . . .        121 



To General Washington , Oct. 25, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         122 



To General Washington , Oct. 26, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         123 



To General Gates, Oct. 28, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         124 



To General Washington , Nov. 3, 1780.. . . . . . . . . .         126 



To General Washington , Nov. 10, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         129 



To €€, Nov. 10, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         130 



To General Edward Stevens, Nov. 10, 1780 . . . . .        132







Contents xiii







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



( 1762-1784)- Continued.



To General Gates, Nov. 19, 1780.. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        134 



To General Washington , Nov. 26, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         135 



To General Edward Stevens, Nov. 26, 1780 . . . . .        137 



To Lieutenant John Louis de Unger, Nov. 30, 1780        138 



To General Washington , Dec. 15, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         140 



To General Washington , Jan. 10, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .         143 



To the President of Congress (Samuel Huntington ),



Jan. 15, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    147





To the President of Congress, Jan. 15, 1781.. . . . . .        148 



To the President of Congress, Jan. 17, 1781 . . . . . .        151 



To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, Jan. 18, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    151 



To Jan. 21, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     154 



To General Washington , Feb. 8, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . .         156 



To General Washington , Feb. 12, 1781. . . . . . . . . .         157 



To General Washington , Feb. 17, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .         158 



To General Gates, Feb. 17, 1781 . ... . . . . . . . . . . . .   161 



To Colonel Campbell, Feb. 17, 1781.. . . . . . . . . . . .    162 



To General Washington , Feb. 26, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .         164 



To Monsieur De Marbois, March 4, 1781 . . . . . . . .        164 



To General Washington , March 8, 1781.. . . . . . . . .        165 



To the President of Congress, March 19, 1781.. . . .         168 



To the President of Congress, March 21, 1781. . . .          168 



To the President of Congress, March. 26, 1781. . . .         170 



To the President of Congress, March 28, 1781. . . . .    171         



To the President of Congress, March 31, 1781.. . . .         172 



To the President of Congress, April 7, 1781.. . . . . .        173 



To the President of Congress, April 18, 1781.. . . . .        174 



To General Washington , April 23, 1781.. . . . . . . . .        175 



To General Washington , May 9, 1781. . . . . . . . . . .         176 



To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, May 10, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

179



To General Washington , May 28, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .   181







xiv Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued .         



To the Marquis De La Fayette, August 4, 1781 . . .         184 



To Edmund Randolph, September 16, 1781. . . . . .        186 



To General Washington , Oct. 28, 1781 . . . . . . . .  .         188 



To General Gates, December 14, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .        188 



To James Madison, March 24, 1782. . . . . . . . . . .  .        190 



James Monroe to Thomas Jefferson, May 11, 1782        192 



To Colonel James Monroe, May 20, 1782.. . . . . .  .        193 



To Robert R. Livingston, November 26, 1782. . . .        198 



To the Chevalier Fran€ois Jean De Chattellux, 



November 26, 1782 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         199 



To James Steptoe, November 26, 1782 . . . . . . . . .         201 



To James Madison, November 26, 1782. . . . . . . . .         203 



To General Washington , January 22, 1783. . . . . . .        205 



To the Chevalier De La Luzerne, Minister of 



France, February 7, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        206 



To Robert R. Livingston, Secretary for Foreign 



Affairs, February 7, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        207 



George Washington to the Honorable Thomas 



Jefferson, February 10, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        209 



Robert R. Livingston to Thomas Jefferson, 



February 14, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        210





To Robert R. Livingston, February 14, 1783. . . . .        211 



Robert R. Livingston to Thomas Jefferson, Feb. 



18, 1883. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      

 212 



To Robert R. Livingston, March 13, 1783. . . . . . . .        213 



To John Jay, April 11, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        214 



To General Washington , April 16, 1784. . . . . . . . . .    215 



To William Fleming, Richmond, 1763 . . . . . . . . . .         222 



To Colonel William Preston, Aug. 18, 1768. . . . . . .        224 



To Peyton Randolph, July 23, 1770 . . . . . . . . . . . .        225 



To Thomas Adams, Feb. 20, 1771. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        229 



To James Ogilvie, Feb. 20, 1771 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        231 



To Inglis and Long; Merchants at Portsmouth , 



May 11, 1771 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        

234







Contents xv







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued .         



To Thomas Adams, June 1, 1771. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        235 



To Robert Skipwith, Aug. 3, 1771 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    237 



To Messrs. Inglis and Long, Merchants at 



Portsmouth, June 11, 1772. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        240 



To William Fleming, May 19, 1773. . . . . . . . . . . . .        241 



To Francis Eppes, June 26, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        242 



To Francis Eppes, July 4, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   244 



To Francis Eppes, Oct. 10, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  245 



To Francis Eppes, Oct. 24, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  247 



To John Page, Oct. 31, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  248 



To Francis Eppes, Nov. 7, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        250 



To Francis Eppes, Nov. 21, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        251 



To John Page, about Dec. 10, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . .        252 



To Thomas Nelson,. May 16, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . . . .    253 



To William Fleming, July 1, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        256 



To George Wythe, July, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    258 



To Edmund Pendleton, July, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . .         259 



To Francis Eppes, July 15, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        260 



To the Governor of Virginia (Patrick Henry), 



July 16,1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        

263 



To Colonel Fielding Lewis, July 16, 1776 . . . . . . .        265 



To John Page, July 20, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         266 



To Francis Eppes, July 23, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        269 



To John Page, Aug. 5, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . ..         270 



To Francis Eppes, Aug. 9, 1776. . .  . . . . . . . . . . . .        272 



To Aug. 13, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         275 



To John Page, Aug. 20, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         280 



To John Adams, May 26, 1777. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..        286 



To Richard Henry Lee, June 5, 1778. . . . . . . . . . . .        288 



To Rev. Samuel Henley, June 9, 1778. . . . . . . . . . .         290 



To Richard Henry Lee, April 21, 1779. . . . . . . . . . .         291 



To Gabriel Jones, April 29, 1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        292 



To William Fleming, June 8, 1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . .        293







xvi Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued . 



To Theodorick Bland, Jr., June 8, 1779 . . . . . . . .        295 



To Richard Henry Lee, June 17, 1779. . . . . . . . . .         297 



To Theodorick Bland, Jr., June 18, 1779.. . . . . . . .        299 



To General Baron De Riedesel, July 4, 1779. . . . . .        300 



To the Governor of Canada (Sir Guy Carleton), 



July 22, 1779. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       

 301 



To Colonel William Fleming, Aug. 7, 1779. . . . . . .        310 



To the County Lieutenant of Hampshire, Aug. 17,



1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   311 



To the President of Congress (John Jay), Sept. 25, 



1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   312 



To Chevalier De La Luzerne, the French Minister, 



NOV. 10, 1779. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        312





To General Washington , April 10, 1780. . . . . . . . ..        314 



To General Edward Stevens, July 19, 1780.. . . . . .        316 



To James Madison, July 26, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . .         316 



To Major Wall, December 21, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . .         319 



To December 21, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         320 



To Rowland Madison, December 24, 1780.. . . . .. .        322 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, December 31, 



1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

    323 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, January 2, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   324 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, January 2, 1781        325 



To Colonel Francis Taylor, January 4, 1781 . . . . . .        326 



To Colonel Richard Meade, January 4, 1781 . . . . .         326 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Jan. 7, 1781 . . .         328 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Jan. 7, 1781. . .        328 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Jan. 9, 1781 . . .         330 



To Colonel John Nicholas, Jan. 10, 1781 . . . . . . . .         331 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, January 12, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

    331 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Jan. 13, 1781. .        332







Contents







xvii







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued .                        PAGE 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, January 15, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

 335 



To Jacob Wray, Jan. 15, 1781. . . . . . . . . . .  .  . .          335 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, January 15, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

 337 



To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, Jan. 16, 1781.    338 



To Abner Nash, Governor of North Carolina, Jan. 



16, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

340 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, Jan. 20, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

 341 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, Jan. 25, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   342 



To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, January 



26, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        

344 



To Benjamin Harrison, January 29, 1781. . . . . . .        346 



To Thomas Sim Lee, Governor of Maryland, Feb.         



1, 1781  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

  350 



To Benjamin Harrison, Feb. 7, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . .        352 



To Colonel Theodorick Bland, Feb. 9, 1781. . . . . .        353 



To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, February 



10, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      

 354 



To Brigadier- General George Rogers Clark, Feb. 



13, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

  355 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, Feb. 16, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    356 



To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, Feb. 17, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

357 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Feb. I9, 1781 . .        358 



To Brigadier- General George Rogers Clark, Feb. 



19, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

359 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Feb. 20, 1781 . .        361 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, Feb. 21, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    363 



To Colonel James Innes, Feb. 22, 1781. . . . . . . . . .     364 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Feb. 24, 1781 . .        366



xviii Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued .                        PAGE 



To Brigadier- General Robert Lawson, Feb. 25,          367



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    368



To Mrs. William Byrd, March 1, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . .    368 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March         



2, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

  370 



To Colonel Edward Carrington, March 3, 1781 . . ..         371 



To Thomas Sim Lee, Governor of Maryland, 



March 6, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .       

373 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, March 7, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

    375



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 8, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   376 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, March 10, 1781        378 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, March 10, 1781        381 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



10, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      

  383 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



12, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  

384 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



12, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  

386



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



14, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

387 



To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, March 15, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  

389 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March



19, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

390 



To Brigadier- General George Weedon, March 21, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    394 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



24, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      

  395 



To Major-Gene ral Benedict Arnold, the 



Commanding Officer of the British Force at 



Portsmouth , March 24, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399 



To the Rev. James Madison and Robert Andrews, 



March 31, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400







Contents xix







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued . 



To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, 



April 1, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       

 401 



To Rev. James Madison, April 8, 1781.. . . . . . . . . .         402 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, April 10, 1781 .         404 



To Chevalier de La Luzerne, the French Minister, 



April 12, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         

406 



To Colonel Oliver Towles, April 14, 1781.. . . . . . .         409 



To Colonels Skinner and Garrard, April 14, 1781 . .        410 



To Colonel James Innes, April 21, 1781 . . . . . . . . .        411



To Colonel Benjamin Harrison, April 22, 1781 . . . .         413 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, April 22, 1781 . .   414 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, April 24, 1781 .     415 



To Colonel Vanmeter, April 27, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . .     417 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, April 27, 1781 .        418 



To Colonel James Innes, May 2, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . .    419 



To Colonel Abraham Penn, May 4, 1781. . . . . . . . . .   421 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, May 14, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  

423 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, May 31, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

    426 



To Francis Eppes, Jan. 14, 1783.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        429 



To James Madison, February 7, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . .    430 



To James Madison, February 14, 1783. . . . . . . . . . .    435 



To James Madison, May 7, 1783 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    440 



To James Madison, June 17, 1783. .. . . . . . . .. .. .        443 



To Charles Carter, Oct. 12, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    444 



To Martha Jefferson, Nov. 28, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . .    446



To George Washington , April 6, 1784. . . . . . . . . . .         448 



To General Horatio Gates, May 7, 1784. . . . . . . . .         450 



To James Monroe, May 21, 1784. . . . . . . . . . . . . .         451 



To Charles Thomson, May 21, 1784. . . . . . . . . . . .         454 



To Benjamin Franklin, June 19, 1784. . . . . . . . . . .         456 



To James Madison, July 1, 1784. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        458















CORRESPONDENCE.







PART I: BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE, 



1762-1784.







"II.-WHILE IN EUROPE, 1784-1789.







"III.-AFTE R HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED 



STATES TO HIS DEATH, 1789-1826







JEFFERSON 'S CORRESPON DENCE.







This division of the work includes all the Correspond ence, official and

private, of Thomas Jefferson, from 1762 to his death in 1826, which possesses

general interest or permanent public value. For the purpose of easy reference,

it has been classified as follows:







PART I.-LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE:-







The letters included in this division, consist principally of the private

correspond ence of Jefferson's youth, and his official letters while Governor

of Virginia. The former are interesting mainly as illustrating his character,

his views, and his purposes in life. The latter, relating to the period of the

invasion of Virginia, and the military operations in the South, possess no

inconsidera ble historical value. The second half of this volume (Vol. IV,

pages 222 to 458) presents interesting letters, covering this period, which

were not included in the Congressio nal edition of 1853.







PART II.-LETTER S WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE.-T he letters included in this

division, relate principally to the objects of his mission to Europe­his

efforts to extend the commercial relations of this country with the European

nations­th e history of particular treaties of commerce­ piratical depredatio

ns upon our commerce by the Barbary States­our Foreign Debt­our relations

generally with Europe­the rise and progress of the French Revolution through

its early stages­ his views of the Confederati on and the new Constitutio n­the

political and social condition of Europe, etc., all intersperse d with the

reflections of Jefferson upon every variety of topic, literary, scientific,

social, and political.



PART III.-LETTE RS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES TO THE TIME OF

HIS DEATH.­TO the great majority Of readers, this will be found to be much the

most interesting division of the work, ranging, as it does, over the whole

field of Literature, Philosophy, Science, Religion, Morals, History, and

Politics, and embodying the mature views of Jefferson upon nearly all the great

Constitutio nal questions which have arisen under our Governmen t, and many of

the most important problems which have agitated the world.











JEFFERSON 'S WORKS. 



LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE. 



1762-1784. 



TO JOHN PAGE. 



Fairfield, December 25, 1762. 







DEAR PAGE,­This very day, to others the day of greatest mirth and jollity, sees

me overwhelme d with more and greater misfortune s than have befallen a

descendant of Adam for these thousand years past, I am sure; and perhaps, after

excepting Job, since the creation of the world. I think his misfortune s were

somewhat greater than mine; for, although we may be pretty nearly on a level in

other respects, yet, I thank my God, I have the advantage of brother Job in

this, that Satan has not as yet put forth his hand to load me with bodily

afflictions. You must know, dear Page, that I am now in a house surrounde d

with enemies, who take counsel together against my soul; and when I lay me down

to rest, they, say among themselves, come let us destroy him. I am sure if

there is such a thing as a Devil in this world, he must have been here last

night, and have had some hand in contriving what happened to me. Do you think 







#VOL, IV-I# 







2 Jefferson's Works 







the cursed rats (at his instigation, I suppose) did not eat up my pocket-book,

which was in my pocket, within a foot of my head? And not contented with plenty

for the present, they carried away my jemmy­ worked silk garters, and half a

dozen new minuets I had just got, to serve, I suppose, as provision for the

winter. But of this I should not have accused the Devil, (because, you know

rats will be rats, and hunger, without the addition of his instigation s, might

have urged them to do this,) if something worse, and from a different quarter,

had not happened. You know it rained last night, or if you do not know it, I am

sure I do. When I went to bed, I laid my watch in the usual place, and going to

take her up after I arose this morning, I found her in the same place, it's

true, but Quantum mutatus ab illo! all afloat in water, let in at a leak in the

roof of the house, and as silent and still as the rats that had eat my

pocket-boo k. Now, you know, if chance had had anything to do in this matter,

there were a thousand other spots where it might have chanced to leak as well

as at this one, which was perpendicu larly over my watch. But I'll tell you,

it's my opinion that the Devil came and bored the hole over it on purpose.

Well, as I was saying, my poor watch had lost her speech. I should not have

cared much for this, but something worse attended it; the subtle particles of

the water with which the case was filled, had, by their penetration , so

overcome the cohesion of the particles of the paper, of which my dear picture

and watch-pape r were composed,







Correspond ence 3 







that, in attempting to take them out to dry them, good God! Mens horret

referre! My cursed fingers gave them such a rent, as I fear I never shall get

over. This, cried I, was the last stroke Satan had in reserve for me; he knew I

cared not for anything else he could do to me, and was determined to try his

last most fatal expedient. "Multis fortunce vulneribus percussus, huic uni me

imparem sensi, et penitus succubui!" I would have cried bitterly,, but I

thought it beneath the dignity of a man, and a man too, who had read €€€ €€€€,

€€ €€€ €€€€€€€, €€ € €€ €€€ €€€€. However, whatever misfortune s may attend the

picture or lover, my hearty prayers shall be, that all the health and happiness

which Heaven can send may be the portion of the original, and that so much

goodness may ever meet with what may be most agreeable in this world, as I am

sure it must be in the next. And now, although the picture be defaced, there is

so lively an image of her imprinted in my mind, that I shall think of her too

often, I fear, for my peace of mind; and too often, I am sure, to get through

old Coke this winter; for God knows I have not seen him since I packed him up

in my trunk in Williamsbur g. Well, Page, I do wish the Devil had old Coke, for

I am sure I never was so tired of an old dull scoundrel in my life. What! are

there so few inquietude s tacked to this momentary life of ours, that we must

need be loading ourselves with a thousand more? Or, as brother Job says, (who,

by-the- bye, I think began to whine a little under his afflitions,)







4 Jefferson's Works 







"Are not my days few? Cease then, that I may take comfort a little before I go

whence I shall not return, even to the land of darkness, and the shadow of

death." But the old fellows say we must read to gain knowledge, and gain

knowledge to make us happy and admired. Mere jargon! Is there any such thing as

happiness in this world? No. And as for admiration, I am sure the man who

powders most, perfumes most, embroiders most, and talks most nonsense, is most

admired. Though to be candid, there are some who have too much good sense to

esteem such monkey­lik e animals as these, in whose formation, as the saying

is, the tailors and barbers go halves with God Almighty; and since these are

the only persons whose esteem is worth a wish, I do not know but that, upon the

whole, the advice of these old fellows may be worth following. 







You cannot conceive the satisfaction it would give me to have a letter from

you. Write me very circumstan tially everything which happened at the wedding.

Was she there? because, if she was, I ought to have been at the Devil for not

being there too. If there is any news stirring in town or country, such as

deaths, courtships, or marriages, in the circle of my acquaintan ce, let me

know it. Remember me affectionat ely to all the young ladies of my acquaintan

ce, particularl y the Miss Burwells, and Miss Potters, and tell them that

though that heavy earthly part of me, my body, be absent, the better half of

me, my soul, is ever with them, and that my best wishes shall ever 







Correspond ence 5 







attend them. Tell Miss Alice Corbin that I verily believe the rats knew I was

to win a pair of garters from her, or they never would have been so cruel as to

carry mine away. This very considerati on makes me so sure of the bet, that I

shall ask everybody I see from that part of the world what pretty gentleman is

making his addresses to her. I would fain ask the favor of Miss Becca Burwell

to give me another watch­pap er of her own cutting, which I should esteem much

more, though it were a plain round one, than the nicest in the world cut by

other hands; however, I am afraid she would think this presumptio n, after my

suffering the other to get spoiled. If you think you can excuse ma to her for

this, I should be glad if you would ask her. Tell Miss Sukey Potter that I

heard, just before I came out of town, that she was offended with me about

something, what it is I do not know; but this I know, that I never was guilty

of the least disrespect to her in my life, either in word or deed; as far from

it as it has been possible for one to be. I suppose when we meet next, she will

be endeavorin g to repay an imaginary affront with a real one; but she may save

herself the trouble, for nothing that she can say or do to me shall ever lessen

her in my esteem, and I am determined always to look upon her as the same

honest-hea rted, good-humo red, agreeable lady I ever did. Tell-tell-in short,

tell them all ten thousand things more than either you or I can now or ever

shall think of as long as we live. 







My mind has been so taken up with thinking of 







6 Jefferson's Works 







my acquaintan ces, that, till this moment, I almost imagined myself in

Williamsbur g, talking to you in our old unreserved way; and never observed,

till I turned over the leaf, to what an immoderate size I had swelled my

letter; however, that I may, not tire your patience by further additions. I

will make but this one more, that I am sincerely and affectionat ely, 







Dear Page, your friend and servant. 







P. S. I am now within an easy day's ride of Shadwell, whither I shall proceed

in two or three days. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







SHADWELL, Jan. 20, 1763. 



DEAR PAGE,­To tell you the plain truth, I have not a syllable to write to you

about. For I do not conceive that anything can happen in my world which you

would give a curse to know, or I either. All things here appear to me to trudge

on in one and the same round: we rise in the morning that we may eat breakfast,

dinner and supper, and go to bed again that we may get up the next morning and

do the same: so that you never saw two peas more alike than our yesterday and'

to-day. Under these circumstan ces, what would you have me say? Would you that

I should write nothing but truth? I tell you I know nothing that is true. Or

would you rather that I should write you a pack of lies? Why, unless they were

more ingenious than I am able to 







Correspond ence 7 







invent, they would furnish you with little amusement. What can I do then?

nothing, but ask you the news in your world. How have you done since T saw you?

How did Nancy look at you when you danced with her at Southall's? Have you any

glimmering of hope? How does R. B. do? Had I better stay here and do nothing,

or go down and do less? or, in other words, had I better stay here while I am

here, or go down that I may have the pleasure of sailing up the river again in

a full-rigged flat? Inclination tells me to go, receive my sentence, and be no

longer in suspense; but reason says, if you go, and your attempt proves

unsuccessf ul, you will be ten times more wretched than ever. In my last to

you, dated Fairfield, Dec. 25, I wrote to you of the losses I had sustained; in

the present I may mention one more, which is the loss of the whites of my eyes,

in the room of which I have got reds, which gives me such exquisite pain that I

have not attempted to read anything since a few days after Jack Walker went

down, and God knows when I shall be able to do it. I have some thoughts of

going to Petersburg , if the actors go there in May. If I do, I do not know but

I may keep on to Williamsbur g, as the birth night will be near. I hear that

Ben Harrison has been to Wilton: let me know his success. Have you an

inclination to travel, Page? because if you have, I shall be glad of your

company. For you must know that as soon as the Rebecca (the name I intend to

give the vessel above mentioned) is completely finished, I intend to hoist 







8 Jefferson's Works 







sail and away. .I shall visit particularl y England, Holland, France, Spain,

Italy, (where I would buy me a good fiddle,) and Egypt, and return through the

British provinces to the Northward home. This to be sure, would take us two or

three years, and if we should not both be cured of love in that time, I think

the devil would be in it. After desiring you to remember me to acquaintan ces

below, male and female, I subscribe myself, 







Dear Page, your friend and servant. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







SHADWELL, July 15th, 1763. 



DEAR PAGE,­You rs of May 30th came safe to hand. The rival you mentioned I know

not whether to think formidable or not, as there has been so great an opening

for him during my absence. I say has been, because I expect there is one no

longer. Since you have undertaken to act as my attorney, you advise me to go

immediately and lay siege in form. You certainly did not think, at the time you

wrote this, of that paragraph in my letter wherein I mentioned to you my

resolution of going to Britain. And to begin an affair of that kind now, and

carry it on so long a time in form, is by no means a proper plan. No, no, Page;

whatever assurances I may give her in private of my esteem for her, or whatever

assurances I may ask in return from her, depend on it­ they must be kept in

private. Necessity will oblige 







Correspond ence 9 







me to proceed in a method which is not generally thought fair; that of treating

with a ward before obtaining the approbatio n of her guardian. I say necessity

will oblige me to it, because I never can bear to remain in suspense so long a

time. If I am to succeed, the sooner I know it, the less uneasiness I shall

have to go through. If I am to meet with a disappoint ment, the sooner I know

it, the more of life I shall have to wear it off; and if I do meet with one, I

hope in God, and verily believe, it will be the last. I assure you, that I

almost envy you your present freedom; and if Belinda will not accept of my

service, it shall never be offered to another. That she may, I pray most

sincerely; but that she will, she never gave me reason to hope. With regard to

my not proceeding in form, I do not know how she may like it. I am afraid not

much. That her guardians would not, if they should know of it, is very certain.

But I should think that if they were consulted after I return, it would be

sufficient. The greatest inconvenie nce would be my not having the liberty of

visiting so freely. This is a subject worth your talking over with her; and I

wish you would, and would transmit to me your whole confab at length. I should

be scared to death at making her so unreasonab le a proposal as that of waiting

until I return from Britain, unless she could first be prepared for it. I am

afraid it will make my chance of succeeding considerabl y worse. But the event

at last must be this, that if she consents, I shall be happy; 







10 Jefferson's Works 







if she does not, I must endeavor to be as much so as possible. I have thought a

good deal on your case, and as mine may perhaps be similar, I must endeavor to

look on it in the same light in which I have often advised you to look on

yours. Perfect happiness, I believe, was never intended by the Deity to be the

lot of one of his creatures in this world; but that he has very much put in our

power the nearness of our approaches to it, is what I have steadfastly

believed. 







The most fortunate of us, in our journey through life, frequently meet with

calamities and misfortune s which may greatly afflict us; and, to fortify our

minds against the attacks of these calamities and misfortune s, should be one

of the principal studies and endeavors of our lives. The only method of doing

this is to assume a perfect resignation to the Divine will, to consider that

whatever does happen, must happen; and that, by our uneasiness, we cannot

prevent the blow before it does fall, but we may add to its force after it has

fallen. These considerati ons, and others such as these, may enable us in some

measure to surmount the difficulties thrown in our way; to bear up with a

tolerable degree of patience under this burthen of life; and to proceed with a

pious and unshaken resignation , till we arrive at our journey's end, when we

may deliver up our trust into the hands of him who gave it, and receive such

reward as to him shall seem proportion ed to our merit. Such, dear Page, will

be the language of the 







Correspond ence 11 







man who considers his situation in this life, and such should be the language

of every man who would wish to render that situation as easy as the nature of

it will admit. Few things will disturb him at all: nothing will disturb him

much. 







If this letter was to fall into the hands of some of our gay acquaintan ce,

your correspond ent and his solemn notions would probably be the subjects of a

great deal of mirth and raillery, but to you, I think, I can venture to send

it. It is in effect a continuatio n of the many conversatio ns we have had on

subjects of this kind; and I heartily wish we could now continue these

conversatio ns face to face. The time will not be very long now before we may

do it, as I expect to be in Williamsbur g by the first of October, if not

sooner. I do not know that I shall have occasion to return, if I can rent rooms

in town to lodge in; and to prevent the inconvenie nce of moving my lodgings

for the future, I think to build: no castle though, I assure you; only a small

house, which shall contain a room for myself and another for you, and no more,

unless Belinda should think proper to favor us with her company, in which case

I will enlarge the plan as much as she pleases. Make my compliment s to her

particularl y, as also to Sukey Potter, Judy Burwell, and such others of my

acquaintan ce as enquire after me. I am, 







Dear Page, your sincere friend. 







12 Jefferson's Works 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







WILLIAMSB URG, October 7, 1763. 



DEAR PAGE,­In the most melancholy fit that ever any poor soul was, I sit down

to write to you. Last night, as merry as agreeable company and dancing with

Belinda in the Apollo could make me, I never could have thought the succeeding

sun would have seen me so wretched as I now am! I was prepared to say a great

deal: I had dressed up, in my own mind, such thoughts as occurred to me, in as

moving a language as I knew how, and expected to have performed in a tolerably

creditable manner. But, good God! When I had an opportunit y of venting them, a

few broken sentences, uttered in great disorder, and interrupte d with pauses

of uncommon length, were the too visible marks of my strange confusion! The

whole confab I will tell you, word for word, if I can, when I see you, which

God send may be soon. Affairs at W. and M. are in the greatest confusion.

Walker, M'Clurg and Wat Jones are expelled pro tempore, or, as Horrox softens

it, rusticated for a month. Lewis Burwell, Warner Lewis, and one Thompson, have

fled to, escape flagellation . I should have excepted Warner Lewis, who came

off of his own accord. Jack Walker leaves town on Monday. The court is now at

hand, which I must attend constantly, so that unless you come to town, there is

little probability of my meeting with you anywhere else. For God sake come. I

am, dear Page, your sincere friend. 







Correspond ence 13 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







DEVILSBUR G, January 19, 1764. 



The contents of your letter have not a little alarmed me; and really, upon

seriously weighing them with what has formerly passed between ­­and myself, I

am somewhat at a loss what to conclude; your "semper saltat, semper ridet,

semper loquitur, semper solicitat," &c., appear a little suspicious, but good

God! it is impossible! I told you our confab in the Apollo; but I believe I

never told you that we had on another occasion. I then opened my mind more

freely, and more fully. I mentioned the necessity of my going to England, and

the delays which would consequent ly be occasioned by that. I said in what

manner I should conduct myself till then, and explained my reasons, which

appears to give that satisfaction I could have wished; in short, I managed in

such a manner that I was tolerable easy myself, without doing anything which

could give advenb'c friends the least umbrage, were the whole that passed to be

related to them. I asked no question which would admit of a categorical answer;

but I assured advomeB that such questions would one day be asked­ in short,

were I to have another interview with him, I could say nothing now which I did

not say then; and were I, with a view of obtaining one, licentiam solicitandi

aliis, quibus degit postulate, it would be previously necessary to go the

rounds cum custodibus; and after all this, he could be in no other situation 







14. Jefferson's Works 







than he is at present. After the proofs I have given of my sincerity, he can be

under no apprehensi on of a change in my sentiments; and were I to do as my

friends advise me, I would give no better security than he has at present. He

is satisfied that I shall make him an offer, and if he intends to accept of it,

he will disregard those made by others; my fate depends on €€€€€€€€€ present

resolutions , by them I must stand or fall­if they are not favorable to me, it

is out of my power to say anything to make them so which I have not said

already; so that a visit could, not possibly be of the least weight, and it is,

I am sure, what he does not in the least expect. I hear you are courting F ­y B

­1, but shall not listen to it till I hear it from you. When I was up the

country, I wrote a letter to you, dated Fairfield, Dec. 25, 1763; let me know

if you have received such a one. As I suppose you do not use your Statutes of

Britain, if you can lend them to me, till I can provide myself with a copy, it

will infinitely oblige me. Adieu, dear Page. 







TO GOVERNOR PAGE. 







DEVILSBUR G,1 January 23, 1764. 



DEAR PAGE,­I received your letter of Wednesday, the 18th instant; in that, of

this day, you mention one which you wrote last Friday, and sent by the 







#1 From this designation of the ancient metropolis, it would seem even then to

have been no favorite with him.# 







Correspond ence 15 







Secretary's boy; but I have neither seen nor heard of such a one. God send mine

of January 19 to you may not have shared the same fate; for, by your letter, I

am uncertain whether you have received it or not; you therein say, "you hope to

have received an answer from me by this time," by which I judge it has

miscarried; but you mention mine of December 25th, which put me in spirits

again, as I do not know how you should have got intelligence that I had wrote

such a one, unless you had seen my letter of Jan. 19, in which it was

mentioned­ yes, there is one other way by which you might have received such

intelligence . My letter of Jan. 19 may have been opened, and the person who

did it may have been further incited by curiosity, to ask you if you had

received such a letter as they saw mentioned therein; but God send, and I hope

this is not the case. Sukey Potter, to whom I sent it, told me yesterday she

delivered it to Mr. T. Nelson, the younger, who had delivered it to you­I hope

with his own hand. I wish I had followed your example, and wrote it in Latin,

and that I had called my dear campana in die,' instead of €€€€€€€€.







We must fall on some scheme of communicat ing 







#1 The lady here alluded to is manifestly the Miss Rebecca Burwell mentioned in

his first letter; but what suggested the quaint designation s of her is not so

obvious. In the first of them, Belinda, translated into dog Latin, which was

there, as elsewhere, among the facetice of young collegians, became campana in

die, that is bell in day. In the second, the name is reversed, and becomes

adnileb, which, for further security, is written in Greek characters, and the

lady spoken of in the masculine gender.# 







16 Jefferson's Works 







our thoughts to each other, which shall be totally unintelligib le to every one

but to ourselves. I will send you some of these days Shelton's Tachygrap hical

Alphabet, and directions. Jack Walker is engaged to Betsey Moore, and desired

all his brethren might be made acquainted with his happiness. But I hear he

will not be married this year or two. Put campana in die in mind of me; tell

him I think as I always did. I have sent my horses up the country, so that it

is out of my power to take even an airing on horseback at any time. My paper

holds out no longer, so must bid you adieu. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







DEVILSBUR G, April 9, 1764. 







DEAR PAGE,­This letter will be conveyed to you by the assistance of our friend

Warner Lewis. Poor fellow! never did I see one more sincerely captivated in my

life. He walked to the Indian camp with her yesterday, by which means he had an

opportunit y of giving her two or three love squeezes by the hand; and, like a

true arcadian swain, has been so enraptured ever since, that he is company for

no one. B­ y has at last bestowed her hand on B­ d; and whether it was for

money, beauty, or principle, will be so nice a dispute, that no one will

venture to pronounce. Two days before the wedding I was not a little surprised,

on going to the door at my house, to see him alight from his horse. He stepped

up to 







Correspond ence 17 







me, and desired the favor of me to come to Mr. Yates' at such a time. It was so

unexpected , that for some time I could make no reply; at last, I said "yes,"

and turned about and walked back into my room. I accordingl y attended, and to

crown the joke, when I got there, was dubbed a bridesman. There were many other

curious circumstan ces too tedious to mention here. Jack Walker is expected in

town to-morrow. How does your pulse beat after your trip to the Isle of Wight?

What a high figure I should have cut, had I gone! When I heard who visited you

there, I thought I had met with the narrowest escape in the world. I wonder how

I should have behaved­I am sure I should have been at a great loss. If your

mistress can spare you a little time, your friends here would be very glad to

see you, particularl y Small and myself, as everything is now ready for taking

the height of this place above the water of the creeks. Fleming's relapse will

justly afford you great matter of triumph, after rallying you so much on being

in love. 







Adieu, dear Page. 







P. S. Walker is just arrived­he goes out of town on Wednesday, and will return

again in about three weeks. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







CHARLOTTE SVILLE, Feb. 21, 1770. 



DEAR PAGE,­I am to acquaint Mrs. Page of the loss of my favorite pullet; the

consequenc e of which 







#VOL. IV-2# 







18 Jefferson's Works 







will readily occur to her. I promised also to give her some Virginia silk which

I had expected, and I begin to wish my expectation .may not prove vain. I fear

she will think me but an ungainly acquaintan ce. My late loss may perhaps have

reached you by this time; I mean the loss of my mother's house by fire, and in

it of every paper I had in the world, and almost every book. On a reasonable

estimate I calculate the cost of the books burned to have been £200 sterling.

Would to God it had been the money, then had it never cost me a sigh! To make

the loss more sensible, it fell principally on my books of Common Law, of which

I have but one left, at that time lent out. Of papers too of every kind I am

utterly destitute. All of these, whether public or private, of business or of

amusement, have perished in the flames. I had made some progress in preparing

for the succeeding General Court; and having as was m y custom, thrown my

thoughts into the form of notes, I troubled my head no more with them. These

are gone, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a trace behind.

The records also, and other papers which furnished me with states of the

several cases, having shared the same fate, I have no foundation whereon to set

out anew. I have in vain attempted to recollect some of them; the defect

sometimes of one, sometimes of more circumstan ces, rendering them so imperfect

that I can make nothing of them. What am I to do then in April? The resolution

which the Court has 







Correspond ence 19 







declared of admitting no continuanc es of causes seemed to be unalterable ; yet

it might surely be urged, that my case is too singular to admit of their being

often troubled with the like excuse. Should it be asked, what are the

misfortune s of an individual to a Court? The answer of a Court, as well as of

an individual, if left to me, should be in the words of Terence, "homo sum;

humani nil a me alienum puto"­but a truce with this disagreeabl e subject. 







Am I never more to have a letter from you? Why the devil don't you write? But I

suppose you are always in the moon, or some of the planetary regions. I mean

you are there in idea; and, unless you mend, you shall have my consent to be

there de facto; at least, during the vacations of the Court and Assembly. If

your spirit is too elevated to advert to sublunary subjects, depute my friend

Mrs. Page to support your correspond ences. Methinks I should, with wonderful

pleasure, open and peruse a letter written by so fair, and (what is better) so

friendly hands. If thinking much of you would entitle me to the civility of a

letter, I assure you I merit a very long one. If this conflagrati on, by which

I am burned out of a home, had come before I had advanced so far in preparing

another, I do not know but I might have cherished some treasonable thoughts of

leaving these my native hills; indeed I should be much happier were I nearer to

Rosewell and Severn hills­howe ver, the gods, I fancy, were 







20 Jefferson's Works 







apprehensi ve that if we were placed together, we should pull down the moon, or

play some such devilish prank with their works. I reflect often with pleasure

on the philosophic al evenings I passed at Rosewell in my last visits there. I

was always fond of philosophy, even in its drier forms; but from a ruby lip, it

comes with charms irresistible . Such a feast of sentiment must exhilarate and

lengthen life, at least as much as the feast of the sensualist shortens it­in a

word, I prize it so highly, that, if you will at any time collect the same

Belle Assemblée, on giving me three days previous notice, I shall certainly

repair to my place as a member of it. Should it not happen before I come down,

I will carry Sally Nicholas in the green chair to Newquarter , where your

periagua (how the­ should I spell that word?) will meet us, automaton­ like, of

its own accord. You know I had a wagon which moved itself­cann ot we construct

a boat then which shall row itself? Amicus noster, Fons,1 quo modo agit, et

quid agit? You may be all dead for anything we can tell here. I expect he will

follow the good old rule of driving one passion out by letting another in.

Calvum clavo pangere was your advice to me on a similar occasion. I hope you

will watch his immersion as narrowly as if he were one of Jupiter's satellites;

and give me immediate notice, that I may prepare a dish of advice. I do not

mean, Madam, to advise him against it. On the contrary, I 







#1 Probably Mr. William Fontaine, of Hanover county.



 







Correspond ence 21 







am become an advocate for the passion; for I too am coelo tactus, Currus1 bene

se habet. He speaks, thinks, and dreams of nothing but his young son. This

friend of ours, Page, in a very small house, with a table, half a dozen chairs,

and one or two servants, is the happiest man in the universe. Every incident in

life he so takes as to render it a source of pleasure. With as much benevolenc

e as the heart of man will hold, but with an utter neglect of the costly

apparatus of life, he exhibits to the world a new phenomeno n in philosophy

­the Samian sage in the tub of the cynic. Name me sometimes homunculo tuo, not

forgetting little dic mendacium. I am determined not to enter on the next page,

lest I should extend this nonsense to the bottom of that also. A dieu je vous

commis, not doubting his care of you both. TH: JEFFERSON . 







TO CHAS. MCPHERSO N. 







ALBEMARL E, IN VIRGINIA, Feb. 25th, 1773. 



DEAR SIR,­Encou raged by the small acquaintan ce which I had the pleasure of

having contracted with you during your residence in this country, I take the

liberty of making the present application to you. I understood you were related

to the gentleman of your name (Mr. James McPherson) , to whom the world is so

much indebted for the elegant 







#1 By this term, he no doubt designated Mr. Dabney Carr, his brother- in-law.# 







22 Jefferson's Works 







collection, arrangeme nt, and translation of Ossian's poems. These pieces have

been and will, I think, during my life, continue to be to me the sources of

daily and exalted pleasures. The tender and the sublime emotions of the mind

were­ never before so wrought up by the human hand. I am not ashamed to own

that I think this rude bard of the North the greatest poet that has ever

existed. Merely for the pleasure of reading his works, I am become desirous of

learning the language in which he sung, and of possessing his songs in their

original form. Mr. McPherson, I think, informs us he is possessed of the

originals. Indeed, a gentleman has lately told me he had seen them in print;

but I am afraid he has mistaken a specimen from Temora, annexed to some of the

editions of the translation, for the whole works. If they are printed, it will

abridge my request and your trouble, to the sending me a printed copy; but if

there be more such, my petition is, that you would be so good as to use your

interest with Mr. McPherson to obtain leave to take a manuscript copy of them,

and procure it to be done. I would choose it in a fair, round hand, on fine

paper, with a good margin, bound in parchments as elegantly as possible,

lettered on the back, and marbled or gilt on the edges of the leaves. I would

not regard expense in doing this. I would further beg the favor of you to give

me a catalogue of the books written in that language, and to send me such of

them as may be necesssary for learning it, These 







Correspond ence 23 







will, of course, include a grammar 'and dictionary. The cost of these, as well

as the copy of Ossian, will be (for me), on demand, answered by Mr. Alexander

McCaul, sometime of Virginia, merchant, but now of Glasgow, or by your friend

Mr. Ninian Minzees, of Richmond, in Virginia, to whose care the books may be

sent. You can, perhaps, tell me whether we may ever hope to see any more of

those Celtic pieces published. Manuscript copies of any which are in print, it

would at any time give me the greatest happiness to receive. The glow of one

warm thought is to me worth more than money. I hear with pleasure from your

friend that your path through life is likely to be smoothed by success: I wish

the business and the pleasures of your situation would admit leisure now and

then to scribble a line to one who wishes you every felicity, and would

willingly merit the appellation of, dear sir, 



Your friend and humble servant. 







TO COL. A. CARY. 







Dec. 9th; 1774. 



DEAR SIR,­As I mean to be a conscientio us observer of the measures generally

thought requisite for the preservatio n of our independen t rights, so I think

myself bound to account to my country for any act of mine which might wear an

appearance of contraveni ng them. I, therefore, take the liberty of stating to

you the following matter, that through 







24 Jefferson's Works 







your friendly interventio n, it may be communicat ed to the committee of your

county. You may remember that it was about the last of May that the House of

Burgesses, after its dissolution, met in Raleigh, and formed our first

association against the future use of tea only; tho' the proceeding s of the

ministry against the town of Boston were then well Known to us. 







I believe nobody thought at that time of extending our association further, to

the total interruptio n of our commerce with Britain; or, if it was proposed by

any (which I don't recollect), it was condemned by the general sense of the

members who formed that association. Two or three days, therefore, after this,

I wrote to Cary & Co., of London, for fourteen, pairs of sash windows, to be

sent to me ready made and glazed, with a small parcel of spare glass to mend

with. This letter went by a ship, which sailed about the third of June, just

before Power arrived here. I did not suppose they would send them till Power

should come in again in the spring of 1775. 



About the middle of June, as nearly as I can recollect, a few of the late

members were again convened (in consequenc e of fresh advices from Boston), and

then it was suggested that a more extensive association might be necessary. A

convention met for that purpose the first of August, and formed a new

association, of which I received a copy about the 11th of the month. But as a

general Congress was then appointed to be held to reconsider the







Correspond ence 25 







same matters, and it was agreed that our association should be subject to any

alteration that they might recommend, I did not write to counterman d my order,

thinking I should have sufficient time after the final determinati on of the

Congress should be known, to counterman d it before Power should sail in the

spring. Accordingl y, within a few days after receiving a copy of the general

association, I wrote to Cary & Co. not to send the sashes and glass which I had

ordered, and gave my letter to the care of a gentleman (Mr. Evans) just then

going downward, who promised to send it out speedily; but three or four days

after I received a letter from those gentlemen, dated August 29th, in which

they inform me my window frames and glass are ready, but that it being

necessary to detain them about a month to harden the puttying, they were not

sent in that ship, but might be expected by the next ship afterwards. From this

I conclude they may be near arriving at this time, in which case they will come

under the 1st and 10th articles of the association. In order, therefore, that

no proceeding of mine might give a handle for traducing our measures, I thought

it better previously to lay before your committee, within whose ward they will

probably be landed, a full state of the matter, by which it might be seen under

what expectation s I had failed to give an earlier counterman d, and to show

that, as they come under the prohibition s of the Continental association,

(which, without the spirit of prophecy, could 







26 Jefferson's Works 







not have been foretold when I ordered them,) so I mean they shall be subject to

its condemnati on. To your committee, therefore, if landed within their county,

I submit the disposal of them, which shall be obeyed as soon as made known to

their and your 







Most humble servant. 







Dec. 9th, 1774. A copy of this sent to Col. A. 







Cary, and another to Col. B. Harrison, by Mr. Marrei. 







TO DR. WILLIAM SMALL. 







May 7, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­Within this week we have received the unhappy news of an action of

considerabl e magnitude, between the King's troops and our brethren of Boston,

in which it is said five hundred of the former, with the Earl of Percy, are

slain. That such an action has occurred, is undoubted, though perhaps the

circumstan ces may not have reached us with truth. This accident has cut off

our last hope of reconciliati on, and a phrensy of revenge seems to have seized

all ranks of people. It is a lamentable circumstan ce, that the only mediatory

power, acknowledg ed by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliati on

his divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blowing up

the flames, as we find him constantly doing, in every speech and public

declaration . This may, perhaps, 







Correspond ence 27 







be intended to intimidate into acquiescence, but the effect has been most

unfortunat ely otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to

its ordinary workings, might have foreseen that the spirits of the people here

were in a state, in which they were more likely to be provoked, than

frightened, by haughty deportment . ' And to fill up the measure of irritation,

a proscriptio n of individuals has been substituted in the room of just trial.

Can it be believed, that a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned to

execution, whose sole crime has been the developing and asserting their rights?

Had the Parliament possessed the power of reflection, they would have avoided a

measure as impotent, as it was inflammator y. When I saw Lord Chatham's bill, I

entertained high hope that a reconciliati on could have been brought about. The

difference between his terms, and those offered by our Congress, might have

been accommodat ed, if entered on, by both parties, with a disposition to

accommodate. But the dignity of Parliament, it seems, can brook no opposition

to its power. Strange, that a set of men, who have made sale of their virtue to

the Minister, should yet talk of retaining dignity! But I am getting into

politics, though I sat down only to ask your acceptance of the wine, and

express my constant wishes for your happiness. 







28 Jefferson's Works 







TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ. 







MONTICELL O, August 25, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­I am sorry the situation of our country should render it not eligible

to you to remain longer in it. I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain

will, ere long, put an end to this unnatural contest. There may be people to

whose tempers and disposition s contention is pleasing, and who, therefore,

wish a continuanc e of confusion, but to me it is of all states but one, the

most horrid. My first wish is a restoration of our just rights; my second, a

return of the happy period, when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself

totally from the public stage, and pass the rest of my days in domestic ease

and tranquillity , banishing every desire of ever hearing what passes in the

world. Perhaps (for the latter adds considerabl y to the warmth of the former

wish), looking with fondness towards a reconciliati on with Great Britain, I

cannot help hoping you may be able to contribute towards expediting this good

work. I think it must be evident to yourself, that the Ministry have been

deceived by their officers on this side of the water, who (for what purpose I

cannot tell) have constantly represente d the American opposition as that of a

small faction, in which the body of the people took little part. This, you can

inform them, of your own knowledge, is untrue. They have taken it into their

heads, too, that we are cowards, and 







Correspond ence 29 







shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations

of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were

thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstan ce relative to

America, as it exists in truth. I am persuaded, this would go far towards

disposing them to reconciliati on. Even those in Parliament who are called

friends to America, seem to know nothing of our real determinati ons. I

observe, they pronounce d in the last Parliament, that the Congress of 1774 did

not mean to insist rigorously on the terms they held out, but kept something in

reserve, to give up; and, in fact, that they would give up everything but the

article of taxation. Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put

my honor to the assertion. Their continuanc e in this error may, perhaps,

produce very ill consequenc es. The Congress stated the lowest terms they

thought possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they were not

unreasonab le. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and all acts

of Parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British generosity to render these, at

some future time, as easy to America as the interest of Britain would admit.

But this was before blood was spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to think,

these terms would not now be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no

ignorance of our real intentions, no vain hope that partial concession s of

right will be accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle 







30 Jefferson's Works 







with accommodat ion, till it shall be out of their power ever to accommodat e.

If, indeed, Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a match for the most

potent nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale, they may

go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be certainly

unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our accepting a

foreign aid, which, perhaps, may not be obtainable, but on condition of

everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would be thought a hard

condition, to those who still wish for re-union with their parent country. I am

sincerely one of those, and would rather be in dependenc e on Great Britain,

properly limited, than on any nation on earth, or than on no nation. But I am

one of those, too, who, rather than submit to the rights of legislating for us,

assumed by the British Parliament, and which late experience has shown they

will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole Island in the

ocean. 







If undeceivin g the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his

disposition, it will, perhaps, be in your power, by assisting to do this, to

render service to the whole empire, at the most critical time, certainly, that

it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the head of the greatest

empire on earth, or shall return to her, original station in the political

scale of Europe, depends, perhaps, on the resolutions of the succeeding winter.

God send they may be wise and salutary for us all, I shall be glad to 







Correspond ence 31 







hear from you as often as you may be disposed to think of things here. You may

be at liberty, I expect, to communicat e some things, consistentl y with your

honor, and the duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communicat

ion among individuals , may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties.

On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts, your knowledge of

me will enable you to decide on their credibility; if I hazard opinions on the

disposition s of men or other speculative points, you can only know they are my

opinions. My best wishes for your felicity, attend you, wherever you go, and

believe me to be assuredly, 



Your friend and servant. 







TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ. 







PHILADELP HIA, November 29, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­I am to give you the melancholy intelligence of the death of our most

worthy Speaker, which happened here on the 22d of the last month. He was struck

with an apoplexy, and expired within five hours. 







I have it in my power to acquaint you, that the success of our arms has

correspond ed with the justice of our cause. Chambly and St. John's were taken

some weeks ago, and in them the whole regular army in Canada, except about

forty or fifty men. This 'day, certain intelligence has reached us, that 







32 Jefferson's Works 







our General, Montgomer y, is received into Montreal; and we expect, every hour,

to be informed that Quebec has opened its arms to Colonel Arnold, who, with

eleven hundred men, was sent from Boston up the Kennebec, and down the

Chaudi€re river to that place. He expected to be there early this month.

Montreal acceded to us on the 13th, and Carleton set out, with the shattered

remains of his little army, for Quebec, where we hope he will be taken up by

Arnold. In a short time, we have reason to hope, the delegates of Canada will

join us in Congress, and complete the American union, as far as we wish to have

it completed. We hear that one of the British transports has arrived at Boston;

the rest are beating off the coast, in very bad weather. You will have heard,

before this reaches you, that Lord Dunmore has commenced hostilities in

Virginia. That people bore with everything , till he attempted to burn the town

of Hampton. They opposed and repelled him, with considerabl e loss on his side,

and none on ours. It has raised our countryme n into a perfect phrensy. It is

an immense misfortune, to the whole empire, to have a King of such a

disposition at such a time. We are told, and everything proves it true, that he

is the bitterest enemy we have. His Minister is able, and that satisfies me

that ignorance or wickedness , somewhere, controls him. In an earlier part of

this contest, our petitions told him, that from our King there was but one

appeal. The admonition 







Correspond ence 33 







was despised, and that appeal forced on us. To undo his empire, he has but one

truth more to learn; that, after colonies have drawn the sword, there is but

one step more they can take. That step is now pressed upon us, by the measures

adopted, as if they were afraid we would not take it: Believe me, dear Sir,

there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a union with

Great Britain than I do. But by the God that made me, I will cease to exist

before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose;

and in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America. We want neither

inducement nor power, to declare and assert a separation. It is will, alone,

which is wanting, and that is growing apace under the fostering hand of our

King. One bloody campaign will probably decide, everlasting ly, our future

course; and I am sorry to find a bloody campaign is decided on. If our winds

and waters should not combine to rescue their shores from slavery, and General

Howe's reinforcem ents should arrive in safety; we have hopes he will be

inspirited to come out of Boston and take another drubbing; and we must drub

him soundly, before the sceptred tyrant will know we are not mere brutes, to

crouch under his hand, and kiss the rod with which he designs to scourge us, 



Yours, &c. 







#VOL. IV-3# 



34 Jefferson's Works 







TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. 







PHILADELP HIA, July 8, 1770. 



DEAR SIR,­For news, I refer you to your brother, who writes on that head. I

enclose you a copy of the Declaration of Independe nce, as agreed to by the

House, and also as originally framed. You will judge whether it is the better

or worse for the critics. I shall return to Virginia after the 11th of August.

I wish my successor may be certain to come before that time; in that case I

shall hope to see you, and not Wythe, in Convention , that the business of

Governmen t, which is of everlasting concern, may receive your aid. 







Adieu, and believe me to be your friend and servant. 







TO DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, PARIS. 







VIRGINIA, August 13, 1777 



HONORABLE SIR; I forbear to write you news, as the time of Mr. Shore's

departure being uncertain, it might be old before you receive it, and he can,

in person, possess you of all we have. With respect to the State of Virginia in

particular, the people seem to have laid aside the monarchica l, and taken up

the republican governmen t, with as much ease as would have attended their

throwing off an old, and putting on a new suit of clothes. Not a single throe

has attended this important transforma tion. A half-dozen aristocratic al

gentlemen, agonizing 







Correspond ence 35 







under the loss of pre-eminen ce, have sometimes ventured their sarcasms on our

political metamorph osis. They have been thought fitter objects of pity, than

of punishment . We are, at present, in the complete and quiet exercise of

well-organi zed governmen t, save only that our courts of justice do not open

till the fall. I think nothing can bring the security of our continent and its

cause into danger, if we can support the credit of our paper. To do that, I

apprehend, one of two steps must be taken. Either to procure free trade by

alliance with some naval power able to protect it; or, if we find there is no

prospect of that, to shut our ports totally, to all the world, and turn our

colonies into manufactor ies. The former would be most eligible, because most

conformabl e to the habits and wishes of our people. Were the British Court to

return to their senses in time to seize the little advantage which still

remains within their reach, from this quarter, I judge, that, on acknowledg ing

our absolute independen ce and sovereignt y, a commercial treaty beneficial to

them, and perhaps even a league of mutual offence and defence, might, not

seeing the expense or consequenc es of such a measure, be approved by our

people, if nothing, in the mean time, done on your part, should prevent it. But

they will continue to grasp at their desperate sovereignt y, till every benefit

short of that is forever out of their reach. I wish my domestic situation had

rendered it possible for me to join you in the very 







36 . Jefferson's Works 







honorable charge confided to you. Residence in a polite Court, society of

literati of the first order, a just cause and an approving God, will add length

to a life for which all men pray, and none more than 







Your most obedient and humble servant. 







TO JOHN ADAMS. 







ALBEMARL E, VIRGINIA, Aug. 21, 1777, 



DEAR SIR,­Your favor of May 26th came safely to hand. I wish it were in my

power to suggest any remedy for the evil you complain of; though, did any

occur, I should propose it to you with great diffidence, after knowing you had

thought on the subject yourself. There is indeed a fact which may not have come

to your knowledge, out of which, perhaps, some little good may be drawn. The

borrowing money in Europe, or obtaining credit there for necessaries , has

already probably been essayed, and it is supposed with some degree of success.

But I expect your application s have as yet been made only to France, Holland,

or such other States as are of principal note. There is, however, a small power

well disposed to our cause, and, as I am informed, possessed of abilities to

assist us in this way. I speak of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The little States

of Italy, you know, have had long peace, and show no disposition to interrupt

that peace shortly. The Grand Duke, being somewhat avaricious in his nature,

has availed himself of the opportunit y of 







Correspond ence 37 







collecting and hoarding what money he has been able to gather. I am informed

from good authority (an officer who was concerned in the business of his

treasury) that about three years ago he had ten millions of crowns lying dead

in his coffers. Of this, it is thought possible as much might be borrowed as

would amount to a million of pounds lawful money. At any rate, the attempt

might be worth making. Perhaps an application from Dr. Franklin, who has some

acquaintan ce in that court, might be sufficient; or as it might be prudent to

sound well before the application, in order to prevent the discredit of a

rebuff, perhaps Congress would think it worth while to send a special agent

there to negotiate the matter. I think we have a gentleman here, who would do

it with dexterity and fidelity. He is a native of that Duchy, well connected

there, conversant in courts, of great understand ing and equal zeal in our

cause. He came over not long since to introduce the cultivation of vines,

olives, &c., among us. Should you think the matter worth a further thought,

either of the Cols. Lee's, to whom he is known, can acquaint you more fully of

his character. If the money can be obtained in specie, it may be applied to

reduce the quantity of circulating paper, and be so managed as to help the

credit of that which will remain in circulation. If credit alone can be

obtained for the manufactur es of the country, it will still help us to clothe

our armies, or to increase at market the necessaries our people want. 







38 Jefferson's Works 







What upon earth can Howe mean by the manoeuvre he is now practicing? There

seems to me no object in this country which can be either of utility or

reputation to his cause. I hope it will prove of a piece with all the other

follies they have committed. The forming a junction with the northern army up

the Hudson river, or taking possession of Philadelphi a, might have been a

feather in his cap, and given them a little reputation in Europe­ the former as

being the design with which they came, the latter as being a place of the first

reputation abroad, and the residence of Congress. Here he may destroy the

little hamlet of Williamsbur g, steal a few slaves, and lose half his army

among the fens and marshes of our lower country, or by the heat of the climate.





I am, dear sir, yours, &c. 



­­







TO­­ 1







WILLIAMSB URG, VIRGINIA, June 8th, 1778. 



SIR,­Your letter of September 15th, 1777, from Paris, comes safe to hand. We

have not, however, had the pleasure of seeing Mr. De Crenis, the bearer of it,

in this country, as he joined the army in Pennsylvan ia as soon as he arrived. 







I should have taken particular pleasure in serving him on your recommend ation.

From the kind anxiety expressed in your letter, as well as from 







#[1 This letter has no address.]# 







Correspond ence 39 







other sources of information , we discover that our enemies have filled Europe

with Thrasonic accounts of victories they had never won and conquests they were

fated never to make. While these accounts alarmed our friends in Europe, they

afforded us diversions. We have long been out of all fear for the event of the

war. I enclose you a list of the killed, wounded, and captives of the enemy

from the commencem ent of hostilities at Lexington, in April, 1775, until

November, 1777, since which time there has been no event of any consequence.

This is the best history of the war which can be brought within the compass of

a letter. I believe the account to be near the truth, though it is difficult to

get at the numbers lost by an enemy with absolute precision. Many of the

articles have been communicat ed to us from England as taken from the official

returns made by their General. I wish it were in my power to send you as just

an account of our loss. But this cannot be done without an application to the

war office, which, being in another county, is at this time out of my reach. I

think that upon the whole it has been about one-half the number lost by them;

in some instances more, but in others less. This difference is ascribed to our

superiority in taking aim when we fire; every soldier in our army having been

intimate with his gun from his infancy. If there could have been a doubt before

as to the event of the war, it is now totally removed by the interpositio n of

France, and the generous 







40 Jefferson's Works 







alliance she has entered into with us. Though much of my time is employed in

the councils of America, I have yet a little leisure to indulge my fondness for

philosophic al studies. 







I could wish to correspond with you on subjects of that kind. It might not be

unacceptab le to you to be informed, for instance, of the true power of our

climate, discoverabl e from the thermomete r, from the force and direction of

the winds, the quantity of rain, the plants which grow without shelter in

winter, &c. On the other hand, we should be much pleased with cotemporar y

observatio ns on the same particulars in your country, which will give us a

comparativ e view of the two climates. Fahrenheit' s thermomete r is the only

one in use with us. I make my daily observatio ns as early as possible in the

morning, and again about four o'clock in the afternoon, generally showing the

maxima of cold and heat in the course of 24 hours. I wish I could gratify your

Botanical taste, but I am acquainted with nothing more than the first

principles of that science; yet myself and my friends may furnish you with any

Botanical subjects which this country affords, and are not to be had with you,

and I shall take pleasure in procuring them when pointed out by you. The

greatest difficulty will be the means of conveyance during the continuanc e of

the war. 







If there is a gratificatio n, which I envy any people in this world, it is to

your country its music. This 







Correspond ence 41 







is the favorite passion of my soul, and fortune has cast my lot in a country

where it is in a state of deplorable barbarism. From the line of life in which

we conjecture you to be, I have for some time lost the hope of seeing you here.

Should the event prove so, I shall ask your assistance in procuring a

substitute, who may be a proficient in singing, &c., on the Harpsichor d. I

should be contented to receive such an one two or three years hence; when it is

hoped he may come more safely and find here a greater plenty of those useful

things which commerce alone can furnish. ' 







The bounds of an American fortune will not admit the indulgence of a domestic

band of musicians, yet I have thought that a passion for music might be

reconciled with that economy which we are obliged to observe. I retain among my

domestic servants a gardener, a weaver, a cabinet-ma ker, and a stonecutter ,

to which I would add a vigneron. In a country where, like yours, music is

cultivated and practiced by every class of men, I suppose there might be found

persons of these trades who could perform on the French horn, clarinet, or

hautboy, and bassoon, so that one might have a band of two French horns, two

clarinets, two hautboys, and a bassoon, without enlarging their domestic

expenses. A certainty of employment for a half dozen years, and at the end of

that time, to find them; if they chose, a conveyance to their own country,

might induce them to come here on reasonable wages. Without meaning 







42 Jefferson's Works 







to give you trouble, perhaps it might be practicable for you, in your ordinary

intercourse with your people, to find out such men disposed to come to America.

Sobriety and good nature would be desirable parts of their characters. If you

think such a plan practicable, and will be so kind as to inform me what will be

necessary to be done on my part, I will take care that it shall be done. The

necessary expenses, when informed of them, I can remit before they are wanting,

to any port in. France, with which country alone we have safe correspond ence.

I am, Sir, with much esteem, your humble servant. 







TO DAVID RITTENHOU SE. 







MONTICELL O IN ALBEMARL E, VA., July 19, 1778. 



DEAR SIR,­I sincerely congratulat e you on the recovery of Philadelphi a, and

wish it may be found uninjured by the enemy. How far the interests of

literature may have suffered by the injury, or removal of the Orrery, (as it is

miscalled,) the public libraries, your papers and implements, are doubts which

still excite anxiety. We were much disappointe d in Virginia generally, on the

day of the great eclipse, which proved to be cloudy. 







In Williamsbur g, where it was total, I understood only the beginning was seen.

At this place, which is lat. 38° 8', and longitude west from Williamsbur g,

about 1° 45', as is conjecture d, 11 digits only were supposed to be covered.

It was not seen at all until the 







Correspond ence 43 







moon had advanced nearly one-third over the sun's disc. Afterwards it was seen

at intervals through the whole. The egress particularl y was visible. It

proved, however, of little use to me, for want of a time-piece that could be

depended on, which circumstance, together with the subsequent restoration of

Philadelphi a to you, has induced me to trouble you with this letter, to remind

you of your kind promise of making me an accurate clock, which, being intended

for astronomic al purposes only, I would have divested of all apparatus for

striking, or for any other purpose, which, by increasing its complicatio n,

might disturb its accuracy. A companion to it for keeping seconds, and which

might be moved easily, would greatly add to its value. The Theodolite, for

which I also spoke to you, I can now dispense with, having since purchased a

most excellent one. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







WILLIAMSB URG, January 22, 1779. 



DEAR PAGE,­I received your letter by Mr. Jamieson. It had given me much pain,

that the zeal of our respective friends should ever have placed you and me in

the situation of competitors . I was comforted, however, with the reflection,

that it was their competition , not ours, and that the difference of the

numbers which decided between us, was too insignifica nt to give you a pain, or

me a pleasure, had our disposition s towards each other been such as to admit 







44 Jefferson's Works 







those sensations. I know you too well to need an apology for anything you do,

and hope you will forever be assured of this; and as to the constructio ns of

the world, they would only have added one to the many sins for which they are

to go to the devil. As this is the first, I hope it will be the last, instance

of ceremony between us. A desire to see my family, which is in Charles City,

carries me thither to-morrow, and I shall not return till Monday. Be pleased to

present my compliment s to Mrs. Page, and add this to the assurances I have

ever given you, that I am, dear Page, your affectionat e friend. 







TO GEORGE WYTHE. 







FOREST, March 1, 1779. 



DEAR SIR,­Since I left you, I have reflected on the bill regulating the

practising of attornies, and of our omitting to continue the practitione rs at

the County and General Courts separate. I think the bar of the General Court a

proper and excellent nursery for future judges, if it be so regulated that

science may be encouraged , and may live there. But this can never be if an

inundation of insects is permitted to come from the county courts, and consume

the harvest. These people, traversing the counties, seeing the clients

frequently at their own courts, or, perhaps, at their' own houses, must of

necessity pick up all the business. The convenienc e of frequently see­  their

counsel, without going from home, cannot 







Correspond ence 45 







be withstood by the country people. Men of science, then, if there were to be

any, would only be employed as auxiliary counsel in difficult cases. But .can

they live by that? Certainly not. The present members of that kind, therefore,

must turn marauders in the county courts, and, in future, none will have

leisure to acquire science. I should therefore be for excluding the county

court attornies; or rather, for taking the general court lawyers from the

incessant drudgery of the county courts and confining them to their studies,

that they may qualify themselves as well to support their clients, as to become

worthy successors to the bench. I hope to see the time when the election of

judges of the Supreme Courts shall be restrained to the bars of the General

Court and High Court of Chancery; for when I speak of the former above, I mean

to include the latter. I should, even in our present bill, have no objection to

inserting such a restriction to take place seven or fourteen years hence.

Adieu. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y PATRICK HENRY. 







ALBEMARL E, March 27, 1779. 



SIR,­A report prevailing here, that in consequenc e of some powers from

Congress, the Governor and Council have it in contemplati on to remove the

Convention troops,1 either wholly or in part, from their present situation, I

take the liberty of troubling 







#[1 The troops under Burgoyne, captured at Saratoga.]# 







46 Jefferson's Works 







you with some observatio ns on that subject. The reputation and interest of our

country, in general, may be affected by such a measure: it would, therefore,

hardly be deemed an indecent liberty in the most private citizen, to offer his

thoughts to the considerati on of the Executive. The locality of my situation,

particularl y in the neighborho od of the present barracks, and the public

relation in which I stand to the people among whom they are situated, together

with a confidence which a personal knowledge of the members of the Executive

gives me, that they will be glad of information from any quarter on a subject

interesting to the public, induce me to hope that they will acquit me of

impropriet y in the present representa tion. 







By an article in the Convention of Saratoga, it is stipulated, on the part of

the United States, that the officers shall not be separated from their men. I

suppose the term officers, includes general as well as regimental officers. As

there are general officers who command all the troops, no part of them can be

separated from these officers without a violation of the article: they cannot,

of course, be separated from one another, unless the same general officer could

be in different places at the same time. It is true, the article adds the

words, "as far as circumstan ces will admit." This was a necessary qualificatio

n; because, in no place in America, I suppose, could there have been found

quarters for both officers and men together; those for the officers to be

according to 







Correspond ence 47 







their rank. So far, then, as the circumstan ces of the place where they should

be quartered, should render a separation necessary, in order to procure

quarters for the officers, according to their rank, the article admits that

separation. And these are the circumstan ces which must have been under the

contemplati on of the parties; both of whom, and all the world beside (who are

ultimate judges in the case), would still understand that they were to be as

near in the environs of the camp, as convenient quarters could be procured; and

not that the qualificatio n of the article destroyed the article itself, and

laid it wholly at our discretion. Congress, indeed, have admitted of this

separation; but are they so far lords of right and wrong as that our conscience

s may be quiet with their dispensatio n? Or is the case amended by saying they

leave it optional in the Governor and Council to separate the troops or not? At

the same time that it exculpates not them, it is drawing the Governor and

Council into a participatio n in the breach of faith. If indeed it is only

proposed, that a separation of the troops shall be referred to the consent of

their officers; that is a very different matter. Having carefully avoided

conversatio n with them on public subjects, I cannot say, of my own knowledge,

how they would relish such a proposition . I have heard from others, that they

will choose to undergo anything together, rather than to be separated, and that

they will remonstrat e against it in the strongest terms. The Executive, 







48 Jefferson's Works 







therefore, if voluntary agents in this measure, must be drawn into a paper war

with them, the more disagreeabl e, as it seems that faith and reason will be on

the other side. As an American, I cannot help feeling a thorough mortificatio

n, that our Congress should have permitted an infraction of our public honor;

as a citizen of Virginia, I cannot help hoping and confiding, that our Supreme

Executive, whose acts will be considered as the acts of the Commonwea lth,

estimate that honor too highly to make its infraction their own act. I may be

permitted to hope, then, that if any removal takes place, it will be a general

one; and, as it is said to be left to the Governor and Council to determine on

this, I am satisfied that, suppressin g every other considerati on, and

weighing the matter dispassiona tely, they will determine upon this sole

question, Is it for the benefit of those for whom they act, that the Convention

troops should be removed from among them? Under the head of interest, these

circumstan ces, viz., the expense of building barracks, said to have been

£25,000, and of removing the troops backwards and forwards, amounting to, I

know not how much, are not to be pretermitte d, merely because they are

Continental expenses; for we are a part of the Continent; we must pay a

shilling of every dollar wasted. But the sums of money which, by these troops,

or on their account, are brought into, and expended in this State, are a great

and local advantage. This can require no proof. If, at the conclusion of the

war, 







Correspond ence 49 







for instance, our share of the Continental debt should be twenty millions of

dollars, or say that we are called on to furnish an annual quota of two

millions four hundred thousand dollars, to Congress, to be raised by tax, it is

obvious that w e should raise these given sums with greater or less ease, in

proportion to the greater or less quantity of money found in circulation among

us. I expect that our circulating money is, by the presence of these troops, at

the rate of $30,000 a week, at the least. I have heard, indeed, that an

objection arises to their being kept within this State; from the information of

the commissary that they cannot be subsisted here. In attending to the

information of that officer, it should be borne in mind that the county of King

William and its vicinities are one thing, the territory of Virginia another. If

the troops could be fed upon long letters, I believe the gentleman at the head

of that department in this country, would be the best commissary upon earth.

But till I see him determined to act, not to write; to sacrifice his domestic

ease to the duties of his appointmen t, and apply to the resources of this

country, wheresoeve r they are to be had, I must entertain a different opinion

of him. I am mistaken if, for the animal subsistence of the troops hitherto, we

are not principally indebted to the genius and exertions of Hawkins, during the

very short time he lived after his appointmen t to that department , by your

board. His eye immediately pervaded the whole State, it was reduced at once to

a regular machine, to a system,







#VOL. IV-4#







50 Jefferson's Works 







and the whole put into movement and animation by the fiat of a comprehen sive

mind. If the Commonwea lth of Virginia cannot furnish these troops with bread,

I would ask of the commissari at, which of the thirteen is now become the grain

colony? If we are in danger of famine from the addition of four thousand

mouths, what is become of that surplus of bread, the exportation of which used

to feed the West Indies and Eastern States, and fill the colony with hard

money? When I urge the sufficiency of this State, however, to subsist these

troops, I beg to be understood , as having in contemplati on the quantity of

provisions necessary for their real use, and not as calculating what is to be

lost by the wanton waste, mismanage ment, and carelessnes s of those employed

about it. If magazines of beef and pork are suffered to rot by slovenly

butchering , or for want of timely provision and sale; if quantities of flour

are exposed, by the commissari es entrusted with the keeping it, to pillage and

destruction ; and if, when laid up in the Continental stores, it is still to be

embezzled and sold, the land of Egypt itself would be insufficient for their

supply, and their removal would be necessary, not to a more plentiful country,

but to more able and honest commissari es. Perhaps the magnitude of this

question, and its relation to the whole State, may render it worth while to

await the opinion of the National Council, which is now to meet within a few

weeks. There is no danger of distress in the meantime, as the commissari es

affirm they have a 







Correspond ence 51 







great sufficiency of provisions for some time to come. Should the measure of

removing them into another State be adopted, and carried into execution, before

the meeting of Assembly, no disapproba tion of theirs will bring them back,

because they will then be in the power of others, who will hardly give them up.









Want of information as to what may be the precise measure proposed by the

Governor and Council, obliges me to shift my ground, and take up the subject in

every possible form. Perhaps, they have not thought to remove the troops out of

this State altogether, but to some other part of it. Here, the objections

arising from the expenses of removal, and of building new barracks, recur. As

to animal food, it may be driven to one part of the country as easily as to

another: that circumstan ce, therefore, may be thrown out of the question. As

to bread, I suppose they will require about forty or forty-five thousand

bushels of grain a year. The place to which it is to be brought to them, is

about the centre of the State. Besides, that the country round about is

fertile, all the grain made in the counties adjacent to any kind of navigation,

may be brought by water to within twelve miles of the spot. For these twelve

miles, wagons must be employed; I suppose half a dozen will be a plenty.

Perhaps, this part of the expense might have been saved, had the barracks been

built on the water; but it is not sufficient to justify their being abandoned

now they are built. Wagonage, indeed, seems to the commissari at an article not









52 Jefferson's Works 







worth economisin g. The most wanton and studied circuity of transportat ion has

been practised: to mention only one act, they have bought quantities of flour

for these troops in Cumberlan d, have ordered it to be wagoned down to

Manchester , and wagoned thence up to the barracks. This f act happened to fall

within my own knowledge. I doubt not there are many more such, in order either

to produce their total removal, or to run up the expenses of the present

situation, and satisfy Congress that the nearer they are brought to the

commissary 's own bed, the cheaper they will be subsisted. The grain made in

the western counties may be brought partly in wagons, as convenientl y to this

as to any other place; perhaps more so, on account of its vicinity to one of

the best passes through the Blue Ridge; and partly by water, as it is near to

James river, to the navigation of which, ten counties are adjacent above the

falls. When I said that the grain might be brought hither from all the counties

of the State adjacent to navigation, I did not mean to say it would be proper

to bring it from all. On the contrary, I think the commissary should be

instructed, after the next harvest, not to send one bushel of grain to the

barracks from below the falls of the rivers, or from the northern counties. The

counties on tide water are accessible to the calls for our own army. Their

supplies ought, therefore, to be husbanded for them. The counties in the

northweste rn parts of the State are not only within reach for our own grand

army, but







Correspond ence 53 







peculiarly necessary for the support of Macintosh's army; or for the support of

any other northweste rn expedition, which the uncertain conduct of the Indians

should render necessary; insomuch, that if the supplies of that quarter should

be misapplied to any other purpose, it would destroy, in embryo, every

exertion, either for particular or general safety there. The counties above

tide water, in the middle and southern and western parts of the country, are

not accessible to calls for either of those purposes, but at such an expense of

transportat ion as the article would not bear. Here, then, is a great field,

whose supplies of bread cannot be carried to our army, or rather, which will

raise no supplies of bread, because there is nobody to eat them. Was it not,

then, wise in Congress to remove to that field four thousand idle mouths, who

must otherwise have interfered with the pasture of our own troops? And, if they

are removed to any other part of the country, will it not defeat this wise

purpose? The mills on the waters of James river, above the falls, open to canoe

navigation, are very many. Some of them are of great note, as manufactur ers.

The barracks are surrounde d by mills. There are five or six round about

Charlottesv ille. Any two or three of the whole might, in the course of the

winter, manufactur e flour sufficient for the year. To say the worst, then, of

this situation, it is but twelve miles wrong. The safe custody of these troops

is another circumstan ce worthy considerati on. Equally removed from the access

of an 







54 Jefferson's Works 







eastern or western enemy; central to the whole State, so that, should they

attempt an irruption in any direction, they must pass through a great extent of

hostile country; in a neighborho od thickly inhabited by a robust and hardy

people, zealous in the American cause, acquainted with the use of arms, and the

defiles and passes by which they must issue: it would seem, that in this point

of view, no place could have been better chosen. 







Their health is also of importance. I would not endeavor to show that their

lives are valuable to us, because it would suppose a possibility, that humanity

was kicked out of doors in America, and interest only attended to. The barracks

occupy the top and brow of a very high hill, (you have been untruly told they

were in a bottom.) They are free from fog, have four springs which seem to be

plentiful, one within twenty yards of the piquet, two within fifty yards, and

another within two hundred and fifty, and they propose to sink wells within the

piquet. Of four thousand people, it should be expected, according to the

ordinary calculation s, that one should die every day. Yet, in the space of

near three months, there have been but four deaths among them; two infants

under three weeks old, and two others by apoplexy. The officers tell me, the

troops were never before so healthy since they were embodied. 







But is an enemy so execrable, that, though in captivity, his wishes and

comforts are to be disregarde d and even crossed? I think not. It is for the

benefit 







Correspond ence 55 







of mankind to mitigate the horrors of war as much as possible. The practice,

therefore, of modern nations, of treating captive enemies with politeness and

generosity, is not only delightful in contemplati on, but really interesting to

all the world, friends, foes and neutrals. Let us apply this: the officers,

after considerabl e hardships, have all procured quarters, comfortable and

satisfactor y to them. In order to do this, they were obliged, in many

instances, to hire houses for a year certain, and at such exorbitant rents, as

were sufficient to tempt independen t owners to go out of them, and shift as

they could. These houses, in most cases, were much out of repair. They have

repaired them at a considerabl e expense. One of the general officers has taken

a place for two years, advanced the rent for the whole time, and been obliged,

moreover, to erect additional buildings for the accommodat ion of part of his

family, for which there was not room in the house rented. Independe nt of the

brick work, for the carpentry of these additional buildings, I know he is to

pay fifteen hundred dollars. The same gentleman, to my knowledge, has paid to,

one person three thousand six hundred and seventy dollars for different

articles to fix himself commodious ly. They have generally laid in their stocks

of grain and other provisions, for it is well known that officers do not live

on their rations. They have purchased cows, sheep, &c., set in to farming,

prepared their gardens, and have a prospect of comfort and quiet before them.

To turn to the soldiers: the 







56 Jefferson's Works 







environs of the barracks are delightful, the ground cleared, laid off in

hundreds of gardens, each enclosed in its separate paling; these well prepared,

and exhibiting a fine appearance . General Riedezel alone laid out upwards of

two hundred pounds in garden seeds for the German troops only. Judge what an

extent of ground these seeds would cover. There is little doubt that their own

gardens will furnish them a great abundance of vegetables through the year.

Their poultry, pigeons and other preparatio ns of that kind, present to the

mind the idea of a company of farmers, rather than a camp of soldiers. In

addition to the barracks built for them by the public, and now very comfortable

, they have built great numbers for themselves, in such messes as fancied each

other; and the whole corps, both officers and men, seem now happy and satisfied

with their situation. Having thus found the art of rendering captivity itself

comfortable , and carried it into execution, at their own great expense and

labor, their spirits sustained by the prospect of gratificatio ns rising before

their eyes, does not every sentiment of humanity revolt against the proposition

of stripping them of all this, and removing them into new situations, where,

from the advanced season of the year, no preparatio ns can be made for carrying

themselves comfortabl y through the heats of summer; and when it is known that

the necessary advances for the convenienc es already provided, have exhausted

their funds and left them unable to make the like exertions anew. Again, 







Correspond ence 57 







review this matter, as it may regard appearance s. A body of troops, after

staying a twelvemont h at Boston, are ordered to take a march of seven hundred

miles to Virginia, where, it is said, they may be plentifully subsisted. As

soon as they are there, they are ordered on some other march, because, in

Virginia, it is said, they cannot be subsisted. Indifferent nations will charge

this either to ignorance, or to whim and caprice; the parties interested, to

cruelty. They now view the proposition in that light, and it is said, there is

a general and firm persuasion among them, that they were marched from Boston

with no other purpose than to harass and destroy them with eternal marches.

Perseveran ce in object, though not by the most direct way, is often more

laudable than perpetual changes, as often as the object shifts light. A

character of steadiness in our councils, is worth more than the subsistenc e of

four thousand people. 







There could not have been a more unlucky concurrence of circumstan ces than

when these troops first came. The barracks were unfinished for want of

laborers, the spell of weather the worst ever known within the memory of man,

no stores of bread laid in; the roads, by the weather and number of wagons;

soon rendered impassable: not only the troops themselves were greatly

disappointe d, but the people in the neighborho od were alarmed at the

consequenc es which a total failure of provisions might produce. In this worst

state of things, their situation was seen 







58 Jefferson's Works 







by many and disseminate d through the country, so as to occasion a general

dissatisfact ion, which even seized the minds of reasonable men, who, if not

affected by the contagion, must have foreseen that the prospect must brighten,

and that great advantages to the people must necessarily arise. It has,

accordingl y, so happened. The planters, being more generally sellers than

buyers, have felt the benefit of their presence in the most vital part about

them, their purses, and are now sensible of its source. I have too good an

opinion of their love of order to believe that a removal of these troops would

produce any irregular proofs of their disapproba tion, but I am well assured it

would be extremely odious to them. 







To conclude. The separation of these troops would be a breach of public faith,

therefore I suppose it is impossible; if they are removed to another State, it

is the fault of the commissari es; if they are removed to any other part of the

State, it is the fault of the commissari es; and in both cases, the public

interest and public security suffer, the comfortable and plentiful subsistenc e

of our own army is lessened, the health of the troops neglected, their wishes

crossed, and their comforts torn from them, the character of whim and caprice,

or, what is worse, of cruelty, fixed on us as a nation, and, to crown the

whole, our own people disgusted with such a proceeding . 







I have thus taken the liberty of representi ng to 







Correspond ence 59 







you the facts and the reasons, which seem to militate against the separation or

removal of these troops. I am sensible, however, that the same subject may

appear to different persons, in very different lights. What I have urged as

reasons, may, to sounder minds, be apparent fallacies. I hope they will appear,

at least, so plausible, as to excuse the interpositio n of 







Your Excellency' s most obedient and most humble servant, 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







WILLIAMSB URG, June 23, 1779. 



SIR,­I have the pleasure to enclose you the particulars of Colonel Clarke's

success against St. Vincennes, as stated in his letter but lately received; the

messenger, with his first letter, having been killed. I fear it will be

impossible for Colonel Clarke to be so strengthened, as to enable him to do

what he desires. Indeed, the express who brought this letter, gives us reason

to fear St. Vincennes is in danger from a large body of Indians collected to

attack it, and said, when he came from Kaskaskias, to be within thirty leagues

of the place. I also enclose you .a letter from Colonel Shelby, stating the

effect of his success against the seceding Cherokees, and Chuccamog ga. The

damage done them, was killing half a dozen, burning eleven towns, twenty

thousand bushels of corn, collected probably 







60 Jefferson's Works 







to forward the expeditions which were to have been planned at the council which

was to meet Governor Hamilton at the mouth of the Tennessee, and taking as many

goods as sold for twenty-fiv e thousand pounds. I hope these two blows coming

together, and the depriving them of their head, will, in some measure, effect

the quiet of our frontiers this summer. We have intelligence , also, that

Colonel Bowman, from Kentucky, is in the midst of the Shawnee country, with

three hundred men, and hope to hear a good account of him. The enclosed order,

being in its nature important, and generally interesting , I think it proper to

transmit it to you, with the reasons supporting it.1 It will add much 







#1 TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 







KASKASKIA S, ILLINOIS, April 29, 1779. 



DEAR SIR; A few days ago,