THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON Definitive Edition CONTAINING HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY, NOTES ON VIRGINIA, PARLIA- MENTARY MANUAL, OFFICIAL PAPERS, MESSAGES AND ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE, NOW COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED IN THEIR ENTIRETY FOR THE FIRST TIME INCLUDING ALL OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND PUBLISHED IN 1953 BY ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS AND A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYTICAL INDEX ALBERT ELLERY BERGH EDITOR VOL. XIX. ISSUED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE THOMAS JEFFERSON MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES WASHINGTON, D. C. 1907 COPYRIGHT, 1905 By THE THOMAS JEFFERSON MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION JEFFERSON AS A MAN OF SCIENCE. It is an interesting tribute to the value of the scientific mind that two of the men among the most important in the establishment of the United States of America were at the same time its earliest and most distinguished students of the natural and physical sciences, Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, and while the time of both of these men 'was largely given to public affairs, their chief intellectual interest lay in the discovery and the setting forth of new truths. Jefferson wrote to a correspondent, " Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme delight," but he was likewise impressed with the fact that there was a relationship between science and repub- lican institutions. To Monsieur d'Ivernois he uses the phrase : " Freedom, the first-born of science, " and to General Kosciusko he says: "The main objects of all science are the freedom and happiness of man, " while to another correspondent he declares that " Science is more important in a republican than in any other government. " The first public demonstration of Jefferson's capa- bility as a man of science was the preparation and iv Jefferson as a Man of Science publication in 1781. of his " Notes on Virginia. " " This, " according to the late G. Brown Goode, assistant sec- retary of the Smithsonian Institution and the his- torian of American science, "was the first compre- hensive treatise upon the topography, natural history and natural resources of one of the United States, and was the precursor of the great library of scientific reports which have since been issued by the State and Federal governments. Though hastily prepared to meet a special need, if measured by its influence it is the most important scientific work as yet published in America. " In this work he successfully overthrew many of the arguments of Buffon, who was at the time considered the highest living authority on natu- ral history subjects ; and later, when he came to know Buffon in Paris, the latter admitted some of the errors that he had made. In a valuable paper published in the Magazine of American History for 1885, Frederick C. Luther points out that Jefferson " had a more or less prac- tical knowledge of surgical anatomy, civil engineer- ing, physics, meteorology, mechanics and astronomy; and was at home in many departments of pure and applied science, but it was in natural history that he was most interested, and as a naturalist he made his only original contribution to scientific knowledge." * * * " He seems to have acquired nearly all the knowledge the world then possessed of geology and zoology, and while many of the theories advanced in his ` Notes on Virginia ' have been rejected by mod- Jefferson as a Man of Science. v ern science, in some of his conclusions Jefferson was quite in advance of the best specialists of the age, and notably so in the department of palaeontology." In fact palaeontology in the United States. had its beginning in a paper filed with the American Philo- sophical Society by Jefferson under date of March 10, 1797, announcing his discovery of the Megalonyx Jeffersoni; this paper was published under the title, "Memoir on the Discovery of a Quadruped in the Western Parts of Virginia, " in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. The original specimen was deposited in the American Philosoph- ical Society and subsequently transferred to the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, where it may still be seen. The announcement of this dis- covery was coincident with his arrival in Philadelphia to be inaugurated as Vice-President of the United States, and upon that occasion he brought with him a collection of fossil bones of the specimen in question, which he had obtained in Greenbrier County, Vir- ginia. But his interest in palaeontology did not stop here. In February, 1801, during the excitement of the con- test with Aaron Burr, he was corresponding with Doctor Wistar with regard to some bones of the mammoth which he had just procured from Shawan- gunk, in New York. In 1808, when the excitement over the embargo was highest and his policy was under the severest denunciation, he was carrying on palaeontological vi Jefferson as a Man of Science studies in the White House. Under his direction upwards of 300 specimens of fossil bones had been brought from the famous Big Bone Lick, and spread in one of the large unfinished rooms of the Presiden- tial mansion. Doctor Wistar was asked to come from Philadelphia and select such as were needed to complete the collection of the Philosophical Society. The exploration of the Lick was made at the private expense of Jefferson, through the agency of General William Clarke, and this may fairly be recorded as the beginning of American governmental work in palaeontology. But palaeontology was not the only scientific sub- ject which engaged his attention. He was, when Secretary of State in Washington's Cabinet, chairman of a committee organized by the American Philo- sophical Society in 1792, to collect materials for the natural history of the Hessian Fly, whose ravages in the wheat-fields threatened so great a danger to the prosperity of the country. This appears to be the first organized effort in economic entomology in the United States. He was greatly interested in the discovery and cultivation of plants useful in agriculture. He had a table beautifully drawn up, giving the average earliest and latest appearance of thirty-seven varie- ties of vegetables in the Washington market during the whole eight years of his presidency, and on his journeys abroad he was always looking out for new plants which might with profit be transplanted to Jefferson as a Man of Science xvii America. When in later life he drew up a list of the services he believed he had rendered his countrymen; he enumerated, along with the disestablishment of a, State Church, the abolition of entails. the prohibition of slave importation, and the drafting of the Declara- tion of Independence, " the introduction of olive plants and heavy upland rice into South Carolina and Geor- gia, " declaring that " the greatest service which can be rendered to any country is to add a useful plant to its culture. " His interest in agriculture even went in the direc- tion of the invention of a new plow. As far back as 1788 Jefferson entered upon some speculations con- cerning the improvement of plows, and attempted to sketch an original and uniform mathematical rule for shaping the mould-board of a plow, the object being to secure the regular inversion of a certain depth of the surface soil with the least application of force. By 1796 his new plows were in use. A Mr. Strick- land, a member of the English Board of Agriculture, being on a visit to Monticello, saw there plows in operation constructed on this principle, and mention- ing them favorably on his return, the Board, through its president; Sir John Sinclair, requested from Mr. Jefferson a model and a description. These were forwarded to England in 1798. The description was published in the Edinburgh Encyclopaedia and in the fourth volume of the Transactions of the Ameri- can Philosophical Society. The invention also attracted attention in France. He is likewise viii Jefferson as a Man of Science credited with being the inventor of the copying press. , He made observations in meteorology and had a good collection of philosophical apparatus. It has been declared by Mr. Goode that "it is probable that no two men have done so much for science in America as Jefferson and Agassiz-not so much by their direct contributions to knowledge, as by the immense weight which they gave to scientific interests by their advocacy." This statement is fully borne out by the impetus which Jefferson gave to the relationship of the Gov- ernment to scientific work. The inception of the system of scientific surveys of the public domain was the outcome of more than twenty years of earnest endeavor on his part. It was he who suggested to John Ledyard, of Connecticut, the enterprise of exploring the western part of our continent by pass- ing through St. Petersburg to Kamchatka, and pro- curing passage in some Russian vessel to the United States-a project which failed because of the arrest of Ledyard. In 1792 he proposed to the American Philosophical Society to set on foot a subscription to explore the great West, and for this subscription became responsible for raising one thousand guineas. This was to have been undertaken jointly by Captain Meriwether Lewis and Michaux, the botanist, but it also failed. In 1803 he recommended to Congress in a confidential message, the sending of an exploring party to trace the Missouri to its source, to cross the highlands, to follow the best water communication Jefferson as a Man of Science ix which offered itself from thence to the Pacific Ocean. Congress approved the proposition and voted a sum of money for carrying it into execution. Captain Lewis, who had been with Jefferson nearly two years as private secretary, immediately renewed his request to have direction of the party. The second expedi- tion toward the West was also sent out during Jeffer- son 's administration, being that under command of General Z. M. Pike, who was, sent to explore the sources of the Mississippi River and the western parts of Louisiana, continuing as far west as Pike's Peak the name of which still remains as a memorial of this enterprise. It was during Jefferson's administration too, that the project of founding the Coast Survey arose. This was recommended to Congress by the President in 1807. It was under his Presidency that the idea of Wash- ington for the establishment of a Military Academy at West Point was fulfilled, and Jefferson also had a plan, realized later, for the establishment of a National Observatory. It was he who proposed the unit of the present coinage of the United States. He was elected President of the American Philo- sophical Society in January, 1797, and held that office until 1814, when he resigned on account of his age. His connection with the Society, as may be seen from the statements above, was by no means perfunctory. During his residence in Paris he kept four of the principal American colleges, Harvard, Yale, William and Mary, and the College of Phila- x Jefferson as a Man of Science delphia, informed of all that happened in the scien- tific circles of Europe. Even such a subject as aerial invention attracted his attention. His letters of 1785 contain several references to the Montgolfier balloon. At a time when the natural sciences were but little cultivated in the established universities, he wrote to Doctor Willard, the President of Harvard urging their pursuit. " What a field, " he said, " have we at our doors to signalize ourselves in. The botany of America is far from being exhausted, its miner- alogy is untouched, and its natural history or zoology, totally mistaken and misrepresented." His devotion to science, coincident with his active public life and the bitter enmities which it engen- dered, gave the opportunity for much public criti- cism, yet it afforded Jefferson, as it did to Franklin, especial consideration as representative of the new nation in France ; it earned him election in numerous learned societies in Europe and gave an impetus to the organization of science both in the learned socie- ties, in the colleges and in connection with the Gov- ernment of the United States, such as could only have been exercised by a man who had occupied the exalted office of President of the United States. CONTENTS. JEFFERSON AS A MAN OF SCIENCE.By Cyrus Adler, Ph. D., Librarian of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. ........................................................................... i SUPPLEMENTARY MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERN- MENT COLLECTION. (Letters written from, 1780- 1825).......................................................................... ...................................1-288 To Horatio Gates, November 4, 1780................................................................1 To William Carmichael, June 22, 1785...............................................................2 To Francis Hopkinson, July 6, 1785...................................................................5 To George Washington, July 10, 1785................................................................8 To St. John De Crevecoeur, August 22, 1785...................................................10 To James Currie, September 27, 1785..............................................................11 To Rev James Madison, October 28, 1785.......................................................15 To Francis Eppes, December 11, 1785.............................................................20 To George Washington, January 4, 1786..........................................................23 To William Carmichael, January 13, 1786.........................................................26 To James Madison, April 25, 1786...................................................................29 To Philip Mazzei, April 4, 1787........................................................................32 To I,'Abbe D'Arnal, July 9, 1787......................................................................34 To John Adams, July 23, 1787.........................................................................36 To Benjamin Franklin, August 6, 1787..............................................................38 To John Adams" December 31, 1787...............................................................39 To Edward Bancroft, January 26, 1788............................................................41 To Countess Barziza, July 8, 1788....................................................................45 To C. W. F. Dumas, July 30, 1788..................................................................46 To John Jay, September 5, 1788......................................................................47 To Francis Hopkinson, December 5, 1788.......................................................48 Contents SUPPLEMENTARY MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERN- MENT COLLECTION-CONTINUED page To John Jay; March 1, 1789........................................................................52 To John Paul Jones, March, 23, 1789..........................................................54 To John Adams, May 20, 1789...................................................................60 To Nathaniel Cutting, June 7, 1789..............................................................62 To Thomas Paine, July 13, 1789.................................................................63 To John Bondfield, July 16, 1789................................................................64 To John Jay, August 5, 1789.......................................................................65 To Gen. Henry Knox, September 12, 1789.................................................67 To William Bingham, September 25, 1789...................................................69 To Baron De Geismer, November 20, 1789................................................71 To David Rittenhouse, June 12, 1790..........................................................73 To the Secretary of the Treasury (Alexander Hamilton), June 25, 1791........................................................................... .75 To T. M. Randolph, July 3, 1791................................................................76 To James Madison, July 21, 1791...............................................................79 To Gov. William Blount, August 12, 1791...................................................81 To George Hammond (British Minister),December 15, 1791.......................82 To George Washington, January 10, 1792..................................................86 To Peter Charles L'Enfant, February 27, 1792............................................87 To Thomas Johnson, David Stuart and Daniel Carroll,March 8, 1792........................................................................... ....88 To Louis XVI, March 14, 1792.................................................................92 To Benjamin Hawkins, April 1, 1792.........................................................93 To Thomas Johnson, David Stuart and Daniel Carroll, April 20, 1792........................................................................... ....94 To His Majesty George III, of England, June 6, 1792..................................96 To the Queen of England, June 6, 1792.......................................................97 To Stephen Cathalan, December 2, 1792....................................................98 To Gov. John Hancock, [1793].................................................................101 To David Humphreys, January 3, 1793......................................................102 To John Garland Jefferson, April 14, 1793.................................................103 xii Contents SUPPLEMENTARY MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERN- MENT COLLECTION-CONTINUED...............................................PAGE To Edmond C. Genet, August 16, 1793....................................................105 To Maria Jefferson, November 17, 1793..................................................106 To Alexander Hamilton, December 12, 1793............................................107 To the President of Bank of the United States, January.-, 1794........................................................................... .............108 To George Washington, February 23, 1795..............................................108 To Aaron Burr, January 7, 1797...............................................................114 To Louis, Prince of Parma, May 23, 1797................................................115 To Gov. James Monroe, April 13, 1800...................................................119 To Andrew Ellicott, December 18, 1800..................................................121 To Gen. Thaddeus Kosciusko, March 14, 1801.......................................122 To James Madison, April 30, 1801...........................................................124 To John Langdon, May 22, 1801..............................................................125 To James Monroe, March 31, 1802..........................................................126 To Abraham Baldwin, April 14, 1802........................................................128 To Thomas Law, May 31, 1802................................................................130 To William Punbar, March 3, 1803............................................................131 To Dr. Benjamin Rush, April 23, 1803.......................................................133 To Henry Dearborn, August 23, 1803........................................................134 To the Emperor of Morocco, December 20, 1803.....................................135 To John Langdon, December 22, 1803......................................................136 To Gov. John Page, December 23, 1803...................................................138 To the Dey of Algiers, March 27, 1804......................................................139 To F.. H. Alexander von Humboldt, May 28, 1804....................................140 To the Secretary of War (Henry Dearborn),June 6, 1804..........................141 To Alexander, Emperor of Russia, June 15, 1804.......................................142 To the Brothers of the Choctaw Nation, March 13, 1805...........................144 To the Chiefs of the Cherokee Nation, January 10, 1806............................146 To William H. Harrison, January 16, 1806.................................................150 Contents xiii SUPPLEMENTARY MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERN- MENT COLLECTION-Continued........................................................... ..page To Rev. Doctor G. C. Jenner, May 14, 1806.............................................152 To Albert Gallatin, June 21, 1806...............................................................153 To Pierre Auguste Adet, June 29, 1806......................................................154 To Andrew Jackson; December 3, 1806....................................................156 To John Langdon, December 22, 1806......................................................157 To Henry Lee, February 1, 1807................................................................158 To Andrew Jackson, March 21, 1807........................................................159 To Joel Barlow, June 14, 1807...................................................................161 To George Hay, October 11, 1807.............................................................162 To F. A. Delacroix, December 21, 1807.....................................................162 To George Hay, February 16, 1808............................................................164 To G. Hyde de Neuville, February 17, 1808................................................165 To Marquis de Lafayette, April 28, 1808.....................................................166 To Thomas Paine, July 17, 1808..................................................................170 To Archibald Stuart, October 22, 1808.......................................................171 To Robert. Fulton, April 16, 1808...............................................................172 To Dr. William Eustis, May 30, 1810..........................................................174 To W. B. Giles, November 12, 1810..........................................................175 To James Madison; December 8, 1810.......................................................176 To James Monroe, January 8, 1811............................................................179 To Rev. James Madison, December 29, 1811.............................................183 To Andrew Ellicott, June 24, 1812..............................................................185 To William Barton, October 2, 1812...........................................................186 To Alrichs and Dixon, January 14, 1813......................................................186 To Robert Fulton, March 8, 1813...............................................................187 To Elbridge Gerry, June 19, 1813...............................................................189 To James Madison, July 13, 1813...............................................................190 To Robert Fulton, July 21, 1813..................................................................192 To Abigail Adams (Mrs. John Adams), August 22, 1813.............................193 To Dupont de Nemours, November 29, 1813.............................................195 To Thaddeus Kosciusko, November 30, 1813.............................................200 To James Monroe, January 27, 1814...........................................................206 xiv Content SUPPLEMENTARY MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERN- MENT COLLECTION--CONTINUED....................................................PAGE To J. Correa de Serra, April 19, 1814.........................................................209 To Peter Carr, September 7, 1814...............................................................211 To William Caruthers, December 3, 1814.....................................................221 To B. S. Barton, February 26, 1815.............................................................223 To J. Correa De Serra, January 1, 1816.......................................................224 To Thomas Appleton, January 14, 1816.......................................................228 To P. S..Duponceau; January 22, 1816........................................................231 To Albert Gallatin, April 11, 1816................................................................233 To J. F. Dumoulin, May 7, 1816..................................................................236 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 17, 1816......................................................237 To Francis Eppes, May 21, 1816.................................................................241 To James Barbour, January 19, 1817...........................................................242 To James Monroe, April 8, 1817.................................................................243 To Joseph Delaplaine, April 12, 1817..........................................................246 To Jean Baptiste Say, May 14, 1817...........................................................248 To Joseph C. Cabell, October 24, 1817......................................................250 To the Secretary of the Treasury (William H. Crawford), January 5, 1818........................................................................252 To Gen. John Armstrong, January 19, 1818................................................253 To Count Dagnani (Papal Nuncio), February 14, 1818........................................................................... .........................254 To Albert Gallatin, February 15, 1818........................................................258 To Jacob Bigelow, April 11, 1818.............................................................259 To Charles. Jared Ingersoll, July 20, 1818..................................................262 To Joseph Milligan, October 25, 1818.......................................................263 To Nathaniel Bowditch, October 26, 1818.................................................264 To Marquis de Lafayette, November 23, 1818...........................................268 To Henry Dearborn, July 5, 1818...............................................................270 To Elijah Griffith, May 15, 1820.................................................................273 To James Monroe, August 13, 1821..........................................................274 To Levett Harris, December 12, 1821........................................................277 To John Quincy Adams, July 18, 1824.......................................................278 To James Madison; September 24, 1824...................................................278 Contents xv SUPPLEMENTARY MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERN- MENT COLLECTION-Continued. To Messrs. Adams, Fitzuhuylson and Brocken- brough, October 18, 1824......................................................................279 To Marquis de Lafayette, January 16, 1825............................................280 To William H. Crawford, February 15, 1825..........................................282 To Edward Everett, July 21, 1825..........................................................283 To Marquis de Lafayette, August 8, 1825...............................................285 To James Madison, October 18, 1825....................................................286 MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE VIRGINIA STATE LIBRARY COLLECTION. (Letters written from 1780-1781)........................ 293-356 To the Quarter-Masters of Frederick, Hampshire and Berkeley, December 24, 1780........................................................293 To Major-General Baron Steuben, January 12, 1781............................294 To Major-General Baron Steuben, January 14, 1781............................294 To Colonel Timothy Pickering, January 15, 1781..................................296 To General Nelson, January 16, 1781...................................................297 To Colonel Carvington, January 16, 1781.............................................298 To Baron Steuben, January 19, 1781....................................................298 To Baron Steuben, January 19, 1781....................................................300 To Baron Steuben, January 29, 1781....................................................300 To Governor Nash, of North Carolina, February 2, 1781......................301 To Baron Steuben, February 7, 1781....................................................302 To Baron Steuben, February 7, 1781....................................................303 To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, February 7, 1781 ......................304 To General Nelson, February 10, 1781.................................................305 To Baron Steuben, February 12, 1781..................................................306 To Speaker Harrison (House of Burgesses), February 12, 1781........................................................................... ..309 To Baron Steuben, February 13, 1781.................................................310 xvi Contents MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE VIRGINIA STATE LIBRARY COLLECTION---Continued......................................................... ..page To Baron Steuben, February 15, 1781.............................................311 To Baron Steuben, February 17, 1781.............................................312 To Baron Steuben, February 18, 1781.............................................313 To General Greene, February 19, 1781............................................314 To Baron Steuben, February 21, 1781.............................................315 To the Officer Commanding the Naval Force of His Most Christian Majesty on the Coast of Virginia,. February 28, 1781...........................................................316 To Colonel. Pickering, March 4, 1781.............................................317 To the Honorable Judges of the High Court of Chancery, March 5, 1781...............................................................319 To the Speaker of the House of Delegates, March 9, 1781........................................................................... ...............320 To General Muhlenberg, March 16, 1781.......................................321 To the Speaker of the House of Delegates, March 17, 1781........................................................................... .............322 To the Speaker of the House of Delegates, March 17, 1781........................................................................... ..322 To His Excellency the Governor of Hispaniola, March 24, 1781........................................................................... ..323 To His Excellency Governor Nash, March 24, 1781.......................324 To General Greene, March 24, 1781..............................................326 To Marquis de Lafayette, March 28, 1781.....................................328 To Baron Steuben, April 3, 1771...................................................330 To General Muhlemberg, April 3, 1781..........................................331 To Baron Steuben, April 6, 1781...................................................333 To Major General Nathaniel Greene, April 5, 1781........................334 To Colonel Henry Lee, April 13, 1781...........................................336 To Baron Steuben, April 14, 1781.................................................337 To the County Lieutenants of Fauquier, Lou- doun, Caroline, Albezriarle, Fluvanna, Gooch- land and Henrico, April 14, 1781..................................................338 vol xix - B Contents xvii MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE VIRGINIA STATE LIBRARY COLLECTION--Continued To the Honorable Richard Henry Lee, April 16,1781......................340 To General Muhlenberg, April 16, 1781..........................................341 To John Page, April 18, 1781.........................................................342 To Baron Steuben, April 20, 1781..................................................343 To Marquis de Lafayette, April 23, 1781........................................344 To the President of the Board of War, April 25, 1781.....................345 To Baron Steuhen, April 26, 1781..................................................346 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 6, 1781..........................................348 To His Excellency General Washington and the Honorable Virginia Delegates in Congress, May 10, 1781........................................................................... ....348 To His Excellency President Reid, May 22, 1781...........................349 To Major Richard Claiborne, May 23, 1781..................................350 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 29, 1781........................................352 To the County Lieutenants of York, New Kent, Hanover, Gloucester, King and Queen, King William, Middlesex, Essex, Caroline, Spotsyl- vania, Lancaster, Richmond, King George, Northumberland, Westmoreland, Stafford, Prince William, Fairfax, Loudoun and Berke- ley, May 29, 1781........................................................................353 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 30, 1781.......................................354 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 30, 1781.......................................355 To the Surveyor of the County of Monongalia, June 3, 1781........................................................................... ......356 MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA COLLECTION. An Exact Transcript of the Minutes of the Board of Visitors of the Uni- versity of Virginia during the Rectorship of Thomas Jefferson..................................................................361- 499 SUPPLEMENTARY MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERNMENT COLLECTION INTRODUCTORY NOTES. After the publication of the Congressional Edition of the Writings of Thomas Jefferson, in 1853, a great number of valuable letters and papers were given to the world. These were mainly drawn from the archives of the State Department. While the Congressional Edition served the purpose of a representative selection of the immense amount of Jefferson manuscripts at Washington, there still remained (even after later examination and use) an interesting residuum worthy of preservation in print. To this end a new research was instituted which resulted in the collection to be found under the " Supplementary Manuscripts" in the following pages. Therefore, excepting two letters, one to the Reverend James Madison, October 28, 1785, and the other to Edward Bancroft, January 26, 1788, both published by the late Paul Leicester Ford, all these letters and notes are printed for the first time in the present edition of Jefferson's Writings. While it was the original intention to incorporate in this division of "Supplementary Manuscripts" material never before presented to the public in connection with Jefferson's works, the two letters to Madison and Bancroft were considered too important from an his- torical standpoint to be omitted. In these letters Jefferson expresses in a most forceful manner his impressions of the French peasantry before the Revolution of 1789, and. his attitude toward the slave ques- tion in the United States. Many of the letters touch upon serious points and problems connected with the acquisition of the Louisiana territory. Manuscripts of the letters are addressed to the celebrated men of the period such as Washington, Monroe, Kosciusko, the Emperor of Russia, Humboldt, and equally eminent personages. The group of letters to Lafayette are probably more interesting than any hitherto published. This new quota of correspondence covers a period between 1780-1826, in fact up to a month of the writer s death. At Jefferson's death, the great mass of his manuscript papers Came into the possession of his grandson and namesake, Thomas Jefferson Randolph. A rough division was made of these papers xxiv Introductory Notes which separated those of a private nature from those of public char- acter. In time the public papers were for sale to the United States Government. The Congress, by an act of the 12th of April, 1848, made an appropriation of 20,000 for the purpose of purchase. The Supplementary Manuscripts have all been drawn from the Government collection. The letters and memoranda have been selected with a view to sustaining the standard of the preceding volumes. Not alone do they embrace many of Jefferson's letters to notable corres- pondents, but maintain the range of abstract thought and practical suggestion that have placed Jefferson in the foremost rank of the world's great letter-writers. JEFFERSON'S WORKS. MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERNMENT COLLECTION. TO HORATIO GATES. RICHMOND, NOVEMBER 4, 1780. SIR,-Since my last to you the enemy have with- drawn their force from the north side of James river and have taken post at Portsmouth which we are told they are fortifying. They have been some dis- tance above Suffolk, but at present have retired below that place. More accurate information of their force than we at first had gives us reason to suppose them from 2,500 to 3,000, of which 60 or 70 are cavalry. They are commanded by Major-General Leslie and were conveyed by the Romulus of 40 guns, the Blonde of 32, the Delight sloop of 16, a 20-gun ship of John Goodriche's and 2 row gallies conveying a 32-pounder in their bows, commanded by Commo- dore Gayton. We are not yet assured that they have landed their whole force ; indeed they give out themselves that after drawing the force of this State to Suffolk they mean to go to Baltimore. Their VOL. XIX-I 2 Jefferson's Works movements here had induced me to think they came in expectation of meeting Lord Cornwallis in this country; that his precipitate retreat has left them without concerted object and that they wait for further orders. Information yesterday said that on being informed of Lord Cornwallis's retreat and a public paper produced to them, wherein were printed the dispatches you sent on. that head, they unladed a vessel and sent her off either to Charleston or New York. The fate of this army of theirs hangs on a very slender naval force indeed. I am, with the greatest esteem and respect, Sir, your obedient and most humble servant. TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. PARIS, June 22, 1755. SIR,-Your letter of April 4 came to my hands on the 16th of that month and was acknowledged by mine of May 3. That which you did me the honor to write on the 5th of April never came to hand till the 10th of May, unwards of a month after the one of the day before. I have hopes of sending the present by a Mr. Jarvis who went from hence to Hol- land some time ago. About this date I suppose him to be at Brussels and that from thence he will inform me whether in his way to Madrid he will pass by this place. If he does, this shall be accompanied by a cypher for our future use ; if he does not, I must still await a safe opportunity. Mr. Jarvis is a citizen of Supplementary Manuscripts 3 the United States, from New York, a gentleman of intelligence, in the mercantile line, from whom you will be able to get considerable information of Ameri- can affairs. I think he left America in January. He informed us that Congress were about to appoint a Mr. Lambe of Connecticut their consul to Morocco and to send him to their ministers commissioned to treat with the Barbary powers for instructions. Since that, Mr. Jay inclosed to Mr. Adams, in London, a resolution of Congress deciding definitely on amicable treaties with the Barbary States in the usual way and informing him that he had sent a letter and instruc- tions to us by a Mr. Lambe. Though it is near three weeks since we received a communication of this from Mr. Adams, yet we hear nothing further of Mr. Lambe. Our powers of treating with the Barbary States are full, but in the amount of the expense we are limited. I believe you may safely assure them that they will soon receive propositions from us, if you find such an assurance necessary to keep them quiet. Turning at this instant to your letter dated April 5 and considering it attentively I am persuaded it must have been written on the 5th of May. Of this little mistake I ought to have been sooner sensi- ble. Our latest letters from America are of the middle of April and are extremely barren of news. Congress had not yet proposed a time for their recess though it was thought a recess would take place. Mr. Morris had retired and the treasury was actually administered by commissioners. Their land office 4 Jefferson's Works was not yet opened. The settlements of Kaskaskia within the territory ceded to them by Virginia had prayed the establishment of a regular government and they were about sending a commissioner to them. General Knox was appointed their secretary of the War Office. These I think are the only facts we have learnt which are worth communicating to you. The inhabitants of Canada have sent a sensible petition to their king praying the establishment of an assem- bly, the benefits of the habeas corpus laws and other privileges of British subjects. The establishment of an assembly is denied, but most of their other desires granted. We are now in hourly expectation of the arrival of the packet which should have sailed from New York in May. Perhaps that may bring us matter which may furnish the subject of a more interesting letter. In the meantime I have the honor to be with the highest respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. July 14, 1785. I have thus long waited day after day hoping to hear from Mr. Jarvis that I might send a cypher with this, but now give up the hope. No news yet of Mr. Lambe. The packet is arrived, but brings no intelligence except that it is doubtful whether Congress will adjourn this summer. The Assembly of Pennsylvania propose their bank on principles of policy. Supplementary Manuscripts 5 TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON. PARIs, July 6, 1785. DEAR SIR,-My last to you was of the 13th of January. About ten days after that date I received yours of November 18th ,and about three weeks ago that of March 28th came, to hand. Soon after the receipt of the first I published your proposition for improving the quilling of the harpsicord. I enclose you a copy of the advertisement. One application only was made and that was unsuccessful. I do not despair yet of availing you of it as soon as I can get acquainted with some of the principal musicians; but that probably will not be till the beginning of winter, as all the beau monde leave Paris in the sum- mer, during which the musical entertainments of a private nature are suspended. I communicated to Dr. Franklin your idea of mesmerising the harpsicord. He has not tried it, probably because his affairs have been long packed and packing. As I do not play on that instrument I cannot try it myself. The Doctor carries with him a pretty little instru- ment. It is the sticcado, with glass base instead of wooden ones, and with keys applied to it. Its prin- cipal defect is the want of extent, having but three octaves. I wish you would exercise your ingenuity to give it an upper and a lower octave, by finding out other substances which will yield tones on those parts of the scale, bearing a proper affinity to those of glass bars. The middle octave of this is very 6 Jefferson's Works sweet. Have you any person on Dr. Franklin's departure to attend to the receiving and forwarding your volumes of the Encyclopedic as they come out? If you have not, be pleased to lay your commands on me. Do not be anxious about remitting the prices as it would be a convenience to me to have some little fund in Philadelphia to answer little pur- poses. I wrote you for newspapers from thence and shall hope to begin soon to receive them. The dearth of American information places us as to our own country in the silence of the grave. I also petitioned you to know whether I am yet at liberty to permit a copy to be taken of General Washington's picture, because till I am I cannot trust it in the hands of a painter to be finished. Another petition was for a copy of our " Battle of the Kegs." Having slipped the opportunity of sending copies of my " Notes " .for yourself and Mr. Rittenhouse when Dr. Franklin's baggage went, T am doubtful whether he can take them with him. If he can, you shall receive them by him; if not, then by the first good opportunity. I am obliged t : pray that they may not be permitted to get into the hands of the public till I know whether they will promote or retard certain reformations in my own country. I have written to Mr. Madison to inform me on that head. No news. A tolerable certainty of peace leaves us without that unfortunate species of intelligence which war furnishes. My daughter is well. I Supplementary Manuscripts 7 enclose a letter from my daughter to Mrs. Hopkinson, which she wrote four months ago, and has lain by me till I should write to you. Justice to her obliges me to take this censure on myself. I take the liberty of using your cover also for her letter to Miss Hetty Rittenhouse. Present my most friendly respects to Mrs. Ritten- house both of that name, to Mr. Rittenhouse and family and accept assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. July 8th. P. S. Since writing the above, yours of April 20 is put into my hands. I will pray you to send the newspapers-trimming off the margins- as the postage is not an object of so much value with me as the knowing something of what is passing in my own country. Whenever I find an opportunity of sending you a copy of my " Notes " I shall send also the Bibliotheque Physique to you. It is a col- lection of all the improvements in the arts which have been made for some time past. Let me add another commission to those above given you, that is, to pre- sent mine and my daughter's affectionate remem- brance to Mrs. House and to Mrs. Trist if she be returned. From the latter I shall hope for letters as soon as she returns. I would write to her but for the uncertainty where she is. 8 Jefferson's Works TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. PARIS, July 10, 1785. DEAR SIR,-Mr. Houdon would much sooner have the honor of attending you but for a spell of sickness which long gave us to despair of his reco very and from which he is but recently recovered. He comes now for the purpose of lending the aid of his art to trans- mit you to posterity. He is without rivalship in it, being employed from all parts of Europe in whatever is capital. He has had a difficulty to withdraw him- self from an order of the Empress of Russia a diffi- culty which arose from a desire to show her respect, but which never gave him a moment's hesitation about his present voyage which he considers as promising the brightest chapter in his history. I have spoken of him as an artist only; but I can assure you also that as a man he is disinterested, generous, candid. and panting after glory ; in every circumstance meriting your good opinion. He will have need to see you much while he will have the honor of being with you, which you can the more freely admit as his eminence and merit give him admission into genteel societies here. He will need an interpreter. I supposed you could procure some person from Alexandria who might be agreeable to yourself to perform this office. He brings with him a subordinate workman or two, who of course will associate with their own class only. On receiving the favor of your letter of February Supplementary Manuscripts 9 25, I communicated the plan for clearing the Poto- mac, with the act of assembly and an explanation of its probable advantages, to Mr. Grand, whose acquaintance and connection with the moneyed men here enabled him best to try its success. He has done so, but, to no end. I enclose you his letter. I am pleased to hear in the meantime that subscrip- tions were likely to be filled up at home. This is infinitely better, and will render the proceedings of the companies much more harmonious. I place an immense importance to my own country on this channel of connection with the new western states. I shall continue uneasy till I know that Virginia has assumed her ultimate boundary to the westward. The late example of the State of Franklin separated from North Carolina increases my anxieties for Vir- ginia. The confidence you are so good as to place in me on the subject of the interest lately given you by Virginia in the Potomac company is very flattering to me. But it is distressing also, inasmuch as to deserve it it obliges me to give my whole opinion. My wishes to see you made perfectly easy' by receiv- ing these just returns of gratitude from our country, to which you are entitled, would induce me to be contented with saying, what is a certain truth, that the world would be pleased with seeing them heaped on you, and would consider your receiving them as no derogation from your reputation. But I must own that declining them will add to that reputation 10 Jefferson's Works as it will show that your motives have been pure and without any alloy. This testimony, however, is not wanting either to those who know you or who do not. I must therefore repeat that I think the receiving them will not in the least lessen the respect of the world if from any circumstances they would be con- venient to you. The candor of my communication will find its justification, I know, with you. A tolerable certainty of peace leaves little interest- ing in the way of intelligence. Holland and the Emperor will be quiet; if anything is brewing, it is between the latter and the Porte. Nothing in pros- pect as yet from England; we shall bring them, however, to decision now that Mr. Adams is received there. I wish much to hear that the canal through Dismal is resumed€ TO ST. JOHN DE CREVECOEUR. PARIS, August 22, 1785 SIR,-I have duly received your favor of the 15th instant as I had before done that of May 18, but had not answered it, supposing you would be on your ' passage. Mr. Mazzei delivered safely the packet you mention. I should have been happy to have seen you here ; but we are not to expect that pleasure, it seems, till the fall. The derangement of the packet boats will need your aid ; and there are doubtless other circumstances here which may be improved by your presence. The loss sustained by your Supplementary Manuscripts 11 friend the Countess d'Houdetot in the death of her brother, has doubtless been participated by you as by all others of his and her acquaintance. I had become of that number just early enough to take a share in it which I did very sincerely. The confinement of the Cardinal de Rohan in the Bastile has doubtless reached you. The public is not yet possessed of the truth of his story, but from his character and all other circumstances I have little doubt that the final decision must be against him. My daughter is well and thanks you for your kind enquiries. I hope you found all your family and friends well. I am with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant. TO JAMES CURRIE. PARIs, September 27, 1785 DEAR SIR,-Your favor of August 5th came to hand on the 18th instant, and I mark well what you say, " that my letters shall be punctually answered. " This is encouraging, and the more so as it proves to you that in sending your letters in time to arrive at New York the middle of the month, when the French packet sails, they get to hand very speedily. The last was but six weeks from you to me. I thank you again and again for the details it contains, these being precisely of the nature I would wish. Of politi- cal correspondents I can find enough, but I can per- 12 Jefferson's Works suade nobody to believe that the small facts which they see passing daily under their eyes are precious to me at this distance ; much more interesting to the heart than events of higher rank. Fancy to yourself a being who is withdrawn from his connections of blood, of marriage, of friendship, of acquaintance in all their gradations, who for years should hear nothing of what has passed among them, who returns again to see them and finds the one-half dead. This strikes him like a pestilence sweeping off the half of man- kind. Events which had they come to him one by one and in detail he would have weathered as other people do, when presented to his mind all at once are overwhelming. Continue then to give me facts, little facts, such as you think every one imagines beneath notice, and your letters will be the most precious to me. They will place me in imagination in my own country, and they will place me where I am happiest. But what shall I give you in return? Political events are scarcely interesting to a man who looks on them from high ground. There is always war in one place, revolution in another, pesti- lence in a third, interspersed with spots of quiet. These chequers shift places but they do not vanish, so that to an eye which extends itself over the whole earth there is always uniformity of prospect. , For the moment Europe is clear of war. The Emporor and Dutch have signed articles. These are not published; but it is believed the Emperor gets ten millions of florins, the navigation of the Scheld Supplementary Manuscripts 13 to Saptinghen, and two forts, so that your conjecture is verified and the Dutch actually pay the piper. The league formed in the Germanic body by the King of Russia is likely to circumscribe the ambitious views of the Emperor on that side and there seems to be no issue for them but on the side of the Turk. Their demarkation does not advance. It is a pity the Emperor would not confine himself to internal regu- lation. In that way he has done much good. One would think it not so difficult to discover that the improvement of the country we possess is the surest means .of increasing our wealth and power. This, too, promotes the happiness of mankind while the others destroy it and are always uncertain of their object. England seems not to permit our friendship to enter into her political calculations as an article of any value. Her endeavor is not how to recover our affections or to bind us to her by alliance, but by what new experiments she may keep up an existence without us; thus leaving us to carry our full weight, present and future, into the scale of her enemy. and seeming to prefer our enmity to our neutrality. The Barbary corsairs have committed depreda- tionson us. The Emperor of Morocco took a vessel last winter which he has since restored with the crew and cargo. The Algerines took two vessels in July. These are the only captures which were known of at Algiers on the 24th of August. I mention this because the English papers would make the world 14 Jefferson's Works believe we have lost an infinite number. I hope soon to be able to inform our countrymen that these dangers are ceased There is little here to communicate in the arts and sciences. The great desideratum which was to render the discovery of the balloon useful, is not absolutely desperate. There are two artists at Javel, about four miles from here, who are able to rise and fall at will without expending their gas, and to deflect 45 degrees from the course of the wind. The investigations of air and fire which have latterly so much occupied the chemists,have not presented anything very interest- ing for some time past. I send you four books, Rolend, Sigaud de la Fond, Metherie, and Scheele, which will put you in posses- sion of whatever has been discovered as yet on that subject. They are packed in a trunk directed to J. Madison of Orange, which will be carried to Rich- mond. They are in French, which you say you do not understand well. You lose infinitely by this, as you may be assured that the publications in that language at present far exceed those of England in science. With respect to the Encyclopedic it is impossible for me to judge whether to send it to you or not, as I do not know your degree of knowledge in the language nor your intentions as to increasing it. Of this you must decide for yourself and instruct me accordingly. I was unlucky as to the partridges, pheasants, hares and rabbits which I had ordered to Virginia. Supplementary Manuscripts 15 The vessel in which I came over was to have returned to Virginia and to Warwick. I knew I could rely on the captain's care. A fellow-passenger undertook to provide them. He did so, but the destination of the vessel was changed and the poor colonists all died while my friend was looking out for another convey- ance. If I can be useful to your circulating library, the members may be assured of my zealous services. All books except English, Latin and Greek are bought here for about two-thirds of what they cost in Eng- land. They had better distribute their invoices accordingly. .I must trouble you to present assur- ances of my friendship to Mr. and Mrs. Randolph of Tuckahoe, Mr. Cary, and their families. My attach- ment to them is sincere. I wish I could render them useful to them. Tell Mr. Cary I shall enjoy a very real pleasure whenever he shall carry his intentions of writing me into execution and that there is no one who more fervently wishes him well. Accept yourself assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. TO REVEREND JAMES MADISON. FONTAINEBLEAU, Oct. 28, 1785 DEAR SIR,-Seven o'clock, and retired to my fire- side, I have determined to enter into conversation with you. This is a village of about 15,000 inhab- itants when the court is not here, and 20,000 when 16 Jefferson's Works they are, occupying a valley through which runs a brook and on each side of it a ridge of small moun- tains, most of which are naked rock. The King comes here, in the fall always, to hunt. His court attend him, as do also the foreign diplomatic corps ; but as this is not indispensably required and my finances do not admit the expense of a continued residence here, I propose to come occasionally to attend the King's levees, returning again to Paris, distant forty miles. This being the first trip, I set out yesterday morning to take a view of the place. For this purpose I shaped my course towards the highest of the moun- tains in sight, to the top of which was about a league As soon as I had got clear of the town I fell in with a poor woman walking at the same rate with myself and going the same course. Wishing to know the condition of the laboring poor I entered into conver- sation with her, which I began by enquiries for the path which would lead me into the mountain: and thence proceeded to enquiries into her vocation, con- dition and circumstances. She told me she was a day laborer at 8 sous or 4d. sterling the day : that she had two children to maintain, and to pay a rent of 30 livres for her house (which would consume the hire of 75 days), that often she could get no employment and of course was without bread. As we had walked together near a mile and she had so far served me as a guide, I gave her, on parting, 24 sous. She burst into tears of a gratitude which I could perceive was unfeigned because she was unable to utter a word. Supplementary Manuscripts 17 She had probably never before received so great an aid. This little attendrissement, with the solitude of my walk, led me into a train of reflections on that unequal division of property which occasions the numberless instances of wretchedness which I had observed in this country and is to be observed all over Europe. The property of this country is absolutely con- centred in a very few hands, having revenues of from half a million of guineas a year downwards. These employ the flower of the country as servants, some of them having as many as 200 domestics, not labor- ing. They employ also a great number of manufac- turers and tradesmen; and lastly the class of laboring husbandmen. But after all there comes the most numerous of all classes, that is, the poor who cannot find work. I asked myself what could be the reason so many should be permitted to beg who are willing to work, in a country where there is a very considerable proportion of uncultivated lands ? These lands are undisturbed only for the sake of game. it should seem then that it must be because of the enor- mous wealth of the proprietors which places them above attention to the increase of their revenues by permitting these lands to be labored. I am con- scious that an equal division of property is imprac- ticable, but the consequences of this 'enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care VOL. XIX-2 18 Jefferson's Works to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers and sisters, or other relations in equal degree, is a politic measure and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the in- equality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, and to tax the higher portions or property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there are in any country uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labor and live on. If for the encourage- ment of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be provided to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not, the fundamental right to labor the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who cannot find employment, but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state. The next object which struck my attention in my walk was the deer with which the wood abounded. They were of the kind called " Cerfs, " and not exactly of the same species with ours. They are blackish Supplementary Manuscripts 19 indeed under the belly, and not white as ours, and they are more of the chestnut red; but these are such small differences as would be sure to happen in two races from the same stock breeding separately a number of ages. Their hares are totally different from the animals we call by that name; but their rabbit is almost exactly like him. The only differ- ence is in their manners ; the land on which I walked for some time being absolutely reduced to a honey- comb by their burrowing. I think there is no instance of ours burrowing. After descending the hill again I saw a man cutting fern. I went to him under pretence of asking the shortest road to town, and afterwards asked for what use he was cutting fern. He told me that this part of the country fur- nished a great deal of fruit to Paris. That when packed in straw it acquired an ill taste, but that dry fern preserved it perfectly without communicating any taste at all. I treasured this observation for the preservation of my apples on my return to my own country. They have no apples here to compare with our Redtown pippin. They have nothing which deserves the name of a peach ; there being not sun enough to ripen the plum-peach and the best of their soft peaches being like our autumn peaches. Their cherries and strawberries are fair, but I think lack flavor. Their plums I think are better; so also their gooseberries, and the pears infinitely beyond anything we possess. They have nothing better than our sweet-water ; but 20 Jefferson's Works they have a succession of as good from early in the summer till frost. I am to-morrow to get (to) M. Malsherbes (and uncle of the Chevalier Luzerne's) about seven leagues from hence, who is the most curious man in France as to his trees. He is making for me a collection of the vines from which the Bur- gundy, Champagne, Bordeaux, Frontignac, and other of the most valuable wines of this country are made. Another gentleman is collecting for me the best eating grapes, including what we call the raisin. I propose also to endeavor to colonize their hare, rabbit, red and grey partridge, pheasants of different kinds, and some other birds. But I find that I am wandering beyond the limits of my walk and will therefore bid vou adieu. Yours affectionately. TO FRANCIS EPPES. PARIs, December 11, 1785. DEAR SIR,-I wrote you by Mr. Fitzhugh Aug. 30 and to Mrs. Eppes by the same conveyance Sept. 22; in those as in my former letters I had troubled you on the subject of sending my daughter to me. To the cautions then suggested I am obliged to add another, which our situation with respect to the Barbary powers calls for. You have doubtless heard loose stories as to their captures on us without being able to know the certainty. The truth is that the Empe- ror of Morocco took one vessel from us the last winter, but he did it merely to induce us to treat. He took Supplementary Manuscripts 21 care of the crew, vessel and cargo and delivered the whole up for us to the Spanish coast, clothing the crew well. There is nothing further to be feared from him, as I think he will settle matters with us on toler- able terms. But the Algerines this fall took two vessels from us and now have twenty-two of our citizens in. slavery. Their dispositions are more hostile and they very possibly will demand a higher tribute than America will pay. In this event they will commit depredations on our trade next summer. I do not think the insurance against them on vessels coming to France will be worth one-half per cent, but who can estimate the value of a half per cent on the fate of a child? My mind revolts at the possi- bility of a capture, so that unless you hear from myself-not trusting the information of any other person on earth-that peace is made with the Alge- rines, do not send her but in a vessel of French or English property; for these vessels alone are safe from prize by the barbarians. Mr. Barclay, our consul here, expects to go to Philadelphia in the spring and to return again here. He offers to take charge of her. She would be then in the best hands possible and should the time of his return become well ascertained I will write you on the subject. In the meantime it need not prevent your embracing any opportunity which occurs of a sound French or English ship, neither new nor old, sailing in the months of April, May, June or July, under the care 22 Jefferson's Works of a trusty person. You see how much trouble I give you till I get this little charge out of your hands. Europe is quiet. The treaty between the Emperor and Dutch signed, and one between France and the Dutch, very fatal to England. It is called a defen- sive treaty only, but it is such a one as cannot but give to France the aid of the Dutch in case of war with England. Patsy enjoys a perfect state of health; mine is become more firm. If I continue through the winter as well as I am now I shall resume confidence in my constitution. Mr. Short is at present indisposed with the jaundice. We all pant for America as will every American who comes to Europe. Present -us affectionately to Mrs. Eppes and the little ones. I make her always the bearer of my kisses to dear Poll. Assure Mrs. and Mr. Skipwith also of our love and believe me to be, with the highest esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant. P. S. I saw in a Virginia paper that somebody gave me as the author of information that we had nothing to fear from the Algerines. No such infor- mation ever went from me. The writer probably. had not distinguished between the pirates of Algiers and Morocco. Of the peaceful disposition of the latter I have written, but never of the former. Supplementary Manuscripts 23 TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. PaRIs, January 4, 1786. SIR,-I have been honored with your letter of September 26, which was delivered me by Mr. Hou- don, who is safely returned. He has brought with him a mould of the face only, having left the other parts of his work with his workmen to come by some other conveyance. Doctor Franklin, who was joined with me in the superintendence of this just monu- ment, having left us before what is called the costume of the statue was decided on, I cannot so well satisfy myself as I am persuaded I should not so Well satisfy the world as by consulting your own wish or inclina- tion as to this arrangement. Permit me, therefore, to ask you whether there is any particular dress or any particular attitude which you would rather wish to be adopted? I shall take a singular pleasure in having your own idea executed if you will be so good as to make it known to me. I thank you for the trouble you have taken in answering my inquiries on the subject of Bushnel's machine. Colonel Humphreys could only give me a general idea of it from the effects produced rather than the means contrived to produce them. I sincerely rejoice that three such works as the opening the Potomac, the James river, Virginia canal from the Dismal, are like to be carried through. There is still a fourth, however, which I had the honor, I believe, of mentioning to you in a letter of 24 Jefferson's Works March 15, 1784, from Annapolis. It is the cutting a canal which shall unite the heads of Cayahoga and the Beaver creek. The, utility of this and even the necessity of it, if we mean to aim at the trade of the lakes, will be palpable to you. The only question is its practicability. The best information I could get as to this was from General Hand, who described the country as champaign and these waters as heading in lagoons which would be easily united. Maryland and Pennsylvania are both interested to concur with us in this work. The institutions you propose to establish by the shore in the Potomac. and James river companies, given you by the assembly, and the particular objects of these institutions are most worthy. It occurs to me, however, that if the bill for the more general diffusion of knowledge which is in the revisal should be passed, it would supersede the use and obscure the existence of the charity schools you have thought of. I' suppose in fact that that bill, or some other like it, will be passed. I never saw one received with more enthusiasm than that was by the House of Delegates in the year 1778 and ordered to €be printed and it seemed afterwards that nothing but the extreme distress of our resources prevented it being carried into execution even during the war. It is an axiom in my mind that our liberty can never be safe but in the hands of the people themselves, and that; too, of the people with a certain degree of instruction. This it is the business of the state to effect, and on a Supplementary Manuscripts 25 general plan. Should you see a probability of this, however, you can never be at a loss for worthy objects of this donation. Even the remitting that propor- tion of the toll on all articles transported would present itself under many favorable considerations, and it would in effect be to make the state do, in a certain proportion, what they ought to have done wholly ; for I think they should clear all the rivers and lay them open and free to all. However, you are infinitely the best judge how the most good may be effected with these shares. All is quiet here. There are, indeed, two specks in the horizon, the exchange of Bavaria and the demarcation between the Emperor and Turks. We may add as a third the interference by the King of Prussia in the domestic disputes of the Dutch. Great Britain, it is said, begins to look towards us with a little more good humor. But how true this may be I cannot say with certainty. We are trying to render her commerce as little necessary to us as pos- sible by finding other markets for our produce. A most favorable reduction of duties on whale oil has taken place here, which will give us a vent for that article, paying a duty of a guinea and a half a tun only. I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient and most hum- ble servant. 26 Jefferson's Works TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. PARIS, January 13, 1786. DEAR SIR,-I had the honor of receiving on the 1st instant your favor of Dec. 17. I had before that, in a letter of Dec. 8, explained to you the cause of the bill not being paid which appeared here in your name, so far as I had been obliged to meddle in it. My letter to Mr. Grand which I inclosed to you will have shown you that I advised him to follow what had been his practice as to your bills. I do assure you, Sir, most solemnly that as to myself no question ever arose in my mind but whether the bill was genuine or not; and that had that been ascertained I should never have presumed to doubt the propriety of the draught. Of that you alone are the judge in my opinion and accountable to nobody but Congress ; but least of all to me who have nothing to do with the application of the moneys here and am only forced into the temporary interference by Mr. Grand's refusal to pay anything but on my order. I have sent representations on this subject to the board of the treasury, and shall expect ere long to communi- cate their orders to Mr. Grand for exercising this office himself according to the rules they shall lay down for his government. The mention made in your letter of some articles of expense occasions me to observe to you that post- age and couriers are allowed to be charged by an express resolution of Congress. That etrennes and Supplementary Manuscripts 27 house-rent have likewise been charged by the minis- ters and allowed in the settlement of their accounts. I conceive that illuminations and gala may with some propriety be charged. I think it is the universal custom tb allow all ministers charges of these descrip- tions. I think Dr. Franklin told me he had made diligent enquiry here of the diplomatic corps and had only charged those things which were sanctioned by general usage in the diplomatic accounts. I take the liberty of mentioning these things to you that the want of information may not occasion you to place yourself on a worse footing than that on which you have just title to stand. At the same time I will pray you to make use of the information only for the erect- ing of your accounts, as I should be unwilling to be named as the author of an advice in which I might seem to be interested. I omitted to observe on the subject of your bill of exchange that I have not had an opportunity of recurring to the letters written by yourself and Mr. Grand to which you refer me. We have been in expectation of receiving a renewal of the bill and that you would be so good as to accom- pany it with a letter of advice, a precaution which the innumerable forgeries of this city are thought to render necessary even in private cases. I suppose you will have heard that Dr. Franklin is appointed President of Pennsylvania and has accepted the office. Houdon went over on account of the State of Virginia to take the moulds of General Washington in order to make his statue. He is , 28 Jefferson's Works returned. He tells me that he heard of the safe arrival of the ass which the King of Spain had been so generous as to send to the General. He could not tell me where he was arrived. A letter from General Washington of Nov. 2 informs me that of L50,000 sterling necessary for opening the Potomac, L44,000 was actually made up and no fear of procuring the balance so that the work is begun. The whole money for opening James river is made up. This is the only American news I have worth communicating. This government has lately reduced the duties on American whale oil to a guinea and a half a tun which will draw that commerce from London wholly to this country. Mr. Adams having made complaint to the court of London of the ill behavior of Captain Stan- hope I am informed though not from him that they disavow his conduct and have severely reprimanded him and given this official information to Mr. Adams. He also required a re-delivery of our prisoners sent to the East Indies. They have informed him that they have given orders for their being brought back. Mr. Barclay will have the honor of delivering you this and of supplying any intelligence I may omit. I am sure you will give him all the aid in your power as to his object. Accept from me assurances of the sincere esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 29 TO JAMES MADISON. LONDON, April 25, 1786. DEAR SIR,-Some of the objects of the joint com- mission with which we were honored by Congress called me to this place about six weeks ago. To- morrow I set out on my return to Paris. With this nation nothing is done and it is now decided that they intend to do nothing with us. The King is against a change of measures, his ministers are against it, some from principle, others from attach- ment to their places, and the merchants and people are against it. They sufficiently value our com- merce, but they are quite persuaded they shall enjoy it on their own terms. This political speculation fosters the warmest feeling in the King's heart, that is his hatred to us. If ever he should be forced to make any terms with us it will be by events which he does not foresee. He takes no pains at present to hide his aversion. Our commission expiring m a fortnight there is an end of all further attempts on our part to arrange matters between the two countries. The treaty of peace being yet unexecuted it remains that each party conduct themselves as the combined considerations of justice and of caution require. We have had conversations on the subject of our debts with the chairman of the committee of American merchants here. He was anxious for arrangements. He was sensible that it was for the interest of the creditors as well as debtors to allow i 30 Jefferson's Works time for the payment of the debts due to this country and did not seem to think the time taken by Virginia was more than enough. But we could not help agreeing with him that the courts should be open to them immediately, judgments recoverable, the executions to be divided into so many equal and annual parts as will admit the whole to be paid by the year 1790 and that the payments should be in money and not in anything else. IE our law is not already on this footing I wish extremely it were put on it. When we proceeded to discuss the sum which should be paid we concurred in thinking that the principal and interest preceding and subsequent to the war should be paid. As to interest during the war the chairman thought it justly demandable ; we thought otherwise. I need not recapitulate to you the topics of arguments on each side. He said the renunciation of this interest was a bitter pill which they could not swallow. Perhaps he would have agreed to say nothing about it, not expecting to receive it in most cases, yet willing to take the chance of it where debtors or juries should happen to be favorably disposed. We should have insisted on an express declaration that this interest should not be demandable. These conferences were intended as preparatory to authoritative propositions, but the minister not condescending to meet us at all on the subject they ended in nothing. I think the mer- chants here do not expect to recover interest during Supplementary Manuscripts 31 the war in general though they are of opinion they are entitled to it. I wrote you in a former letter on the subject of a Mr. Paradise who owns an estate in Virginia in right of his wife and who has a considerable sum due him in our loan office. Since I came here I have had opportunity of knowing his extreme personal worth and his losses by the lace war. He is from principle a pure republican while his father was as warm a tory. His attachment to the American cause and his candid warmth brought him sometimes into altercations on the subject with his father, and some persons inter- ested in their variance artfully brought up this sub- ject of conversation whenever they met. It pro- duced a neglect in the father. He had already settled on him a sum of money in the funds, but would do no more and probably would have undone that if he could. When remittances from Virginia were for- bidden the profits of the Virginia estate were carried into our loan office. Paradise was then obliged to begin to eat his capital in England; from that to part with conveniences and to run in debt. His situation is now distressing and would be com- pletely relieved could he receive what is due him from our state. He is coming over to settle there. His wife and family will follow him. I never ask unjust preferences for anybody ; but if by any just means he can be helped to his money, I own I would be much gratified. The goodness of his heart, his kindness to Americans before, during and since the war, the 32 Jefferson's Works purity of his political and moral character, interest me in the events pending over him arid which will infallibly be ruinous if he fails to receive his money. I ask of you on his behalf that in pursuing the path of right you will become active for him instead of being merely quiescent were his merit and his mis- fortunes unknown to you. I have put into the hands of Mr. Fulwar Skipwith for you a packet containing some catalogues which he will forward. I am with sincere esteem, ' dear Sir, your friend and servant. TO PHILIP MAZZEI. MARSEILLES, April 4, 1787 DEAR SIR; I have had the pleasure of finding your friend Soria alive, and one of the most considerable merchants here. I delivered him your letter and he has shown me all the attentions which the state of his mind would permit. A few days before my arrival his only son had eloped with jewels and money to the value of ,40,000 livres and I believe is not yet heard of. He speaks of you with friend- ship and will be happy to see you on your way south- wardly. He has promised to make me acquainted with a well-informed gardener whom I expect to find among the most precious of my acquaintances. From men of that class I have derived the most satisfactory information in the course of my journey and have sought their acquaintance with as much industry as Supplementary Manuscripts 33 I have avoided that of others who would have made me waste my time (illegible] good society. For these objects one need not leave Paris. I find here several interesting articles of culture; the best [illegible] the best grapes for drying, a smaller [illegible] the same purposes without a seed, from Smyrna, olives, capers, pistachio nuts, almonds. All these articles may succeed on or southward of the Chesapeake. From hence my inclination would lead me no further [illegible] as I. am to see little more than a rocky coast. But I am [illegible) here with the hopes of finding something useful in the rice-fields of Pied- mont, which are said to be but a little way beyond the Alps. It will probably be the middle of June before I get back to Paris. In the meantime I wish to observe that if this absence, longer than you had calculated, should render an earlier pecuniary supply necessary, lodge a line for me at Aix poste restant where I shall find it about the last of this month and I shall with great pleasure do what may be needful for you. Be so good as to present my respects to the Maison de ia Rochefoucault and accept yourself my sincere assurances of esteem and regard from, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant. VOL. xix-3 34 Jefferson's Works TO LABBE D'ARNAL. PARIS, July 9, 1787 DEAR SIR,-I had the honor of informing you when at Nismes that we had adopted in America a method of hanging the upper stone of a grist mill which had been found so much more convenient than the ancient as to have brought it into general use. Whether we derive the invention from Europe or have made it ourselves I am unable to say. The difference consists only in the spindle and horns. On the former plan the horns were of a single piece of iron in the form of a cross with a square hole in the middle, which square hole fitted on the upper end of the spindle. The horns were then fixed in cross grooves in the bottom of the upper stone which was to be laid on the spindle so as that the place of its grinding surface would be perfectly perpendicular to the spindles. This was a difficult and tedious operation and was to be repeated every time the stones were dressed. According to our method two distinct pieces of iron are substituted for the horns. The one in this form a of such breadth and thickness as to support the whole weight of the stone. Its straight ends are to be firmly fixed in one of the cross grooves of the stone, the circular part should rise through the hole in the center of the stone so as to be near its upper surface ; in the middle of this semicircular part and on the under surface- Supplementary Manuscripts 35 at " 'a '-should be a dimple to which the upper end of the spindle should be adjusted by giving it a convexity fitted? to the concavity of the dimple. The other piece of iron is only a straight bar to be firmly fixed in the other of the cross grooves of the stone and to have a square hole in its center, thus : --o- -- the corresponding part of the spindle must be squared to fit this hole. The office of the first piece of iron is to suspend the stone, that of the last is to give and continue its motion. The stones being dressed and these pieces firmly fixed in it, it is turned over on the spindle so that the point of the spindle may enter the dimple of the semicircular iron, and the stone be suspended on it freely. It will probably not take at first its true position, which is that of the plane of its grinding surface being truly perpendicular to the spindle. The workman must, therefore, chip it at the top with a chisel till it hangs in that just position. This being once done it is done forever ; for whenever they dress the stone afterwards they have only to return the upper one to its point and it will resume its equilibrium. It sometimes happens that one side of the stone being softer than the other wears faster and so the equilibrium is lost in time. Experience has shown that a small departure from the equili- brium will be rectified by the bed stone which serves as a guide to the running stone till it assumes its motion in a true plane which it will afterwards keep. 36 Jefferson's Works But should a defect of the stone render this departure from the equilibrium too considerable it may be necessary to set it to rights at certain periods by chipping it again on the top. I had promised, when I had the honor of seeing you at Nismes, to send you a model of this manner of fixing the mill-stones, but the expense of sending a model by post, the danger of its being lost or destroyed by the messagerie, and the hope that I could render it intelligible by a description and figures, have induced me to prefer the latter method. I shall with great pleasure give any further explanations which may be necessary for your perfect comprehension of it, and the more so as it will furnish me with new occasions of assuring you of those sentiments of respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO JOHN ADAMS. PARIS, July 23, 1797 DEAR SIR--Frouille, the bookseller here who is engaged in having your book translated and printed, understanding that you are about publishing a sequel to it, has engaged me to be the channel of his prayers to you to favor his operation by transmitting hither the sheets of the sequel as they shall be printed ; and he will have them translated by the same hand, which is a good one. It is necessary for one to explain the passage in Supplementary Manuscripts 37 Mr. Barclay's letter of July 13 of which he writes me he had sent you a duplicate wherein he mentions that I had given him a full dispensation from waiting on you in London. Mr. Barclay was arrested in Bor- deaux for debt and put into prison. The Parliament released him after five days on the footing of his being consul and minister from the United States to Morocco. His adversaries applied here to deprive him of his privilege. I spoke on the subject to the minister. He told me that the character of consul was no protection at all from private arrest, but that he would try to avail him of the other character. I found, however, that the event might be doubtful and stated the whole in a letter to Mr. Barclay, observing at the same time that I knew of nothing which rendered it necessary for him to come to Paris before his departure for America. He determined, therefore, to go to America immediately, which indeed was his wisest course as he would have been harassed immediately by his creditors. Our funds here have been out some time and Mr. Grand is at the length of his tether in advancing for us. He has refused very small demands for current occasions and I am not clear he will not refuse my usual one for salary. He has not told me so, but I am a little diffident of it. I shall know in a few days whether he does or not. I cannot approve of his protesting small and current calls. Having had nothing to do with any other banker I cannot say what their practice is, but I suppose it their practice 38 Jefferson's Works to advance for their customers when their funds happen to be out in proportion to the sums which they pass through their hands. Mr. Grand is a very sure banker, but a very timid one, and I fear he thinks it possible that he may lose his advances for the United States. Should he reject my draught, would there be any prospect of its being answered in Hol- land? Merely for my own and Mr. Short's salaries, say 4,500 livres a month? You will have heard that the Emperor has put troops into march on account of the disturbances in Brabant. The situation of affairs in Holland you know better than I do. How will they end ? I have the honor to be, with senti- ments of the most profound esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. PARIS, August 6, 1787. DEAR SIR,-This will be handed you by Doctor Gibbons, a young gentleman who after studying physic and taking his degrees at Edinburgh has passed some time ,here. He has desired the honor of being known to you, and I find a pleasure in being the instrument of making him so. It is a tax to which your celebrity submits you. Every man of the present age will wish to have the honor of having known, and being known to you. You will find Doctor Gibbons to possess learning, genius and merit. A.s such I ask leave to present him to you, and of Supplementary Manuscripts 39 assuring you at the same time of the sentiments of profound respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant. TO JOHN ADAMS. PARIS, December 31, 1787. DEAR SIR,-Mr. Parker furnishes me an oppor- tunity of acknowledging the receipt of your favors of November I o, December 6, 10, 18, and 25, which I avoid doing through post. The orders on the sub- ject of our captives at Algiers have come to me by the last packet. They are to be kept secret even from the captives themselves lest a knowledge of the interference of government should excite to extravagant demands. The settlement of the prices in the first instance is important as a precedent. Willincks and Van Staphorsts answered that they had money enough to pay the February interest and our draughts for salary for some time, but that the payment of Fiseaux's capital would oblige them to advance of their own money. They observed, too, that the payment of such a sum without the orders of the treasury would lay them under an unnecessary responsibility. I therefore concluded the business by desiring them to pay the year's interest becoming due to-morrow and paying Mr. Fiseaux to quiet the lenders with that till I could procure the orders of the treasury to whom I wrote immediately an account 40 Jefferson's Works of the whole transaction. I was the better satisfied with this on receiving your letter of the z 5th by which I find it your opinion that our credit may not suffer so materially. The declining the payment came from the Willincks, the Van Staphorsts having offered to advance their money. I enclose you a letter I have received from the Comptroller General and an asset on the subject of our commerce. They are the proof sheets, as, at the moment of my writing my letter I have not yet received the fair ones, but the French columns are correct enough to be under- stood. I would wish them not to be public till they are made so on the other side of the water. I think the alliance of this court with the two imperial ones is going on well. You will have heard of the Em- peror's having attempted to surprise Belgrade and failed in the attempt. This necessarily engaged him in the war and so tends to continue it. I think it settled that this court abandons the Turks. Mr. Parker takes charge of the ten ounces of double Florence for Mrs. Adams, the silk stockings are not yet ready. I had ordered them to be made by the hermits of Mont Calvaire who are famous for the excellence and honesty of their work and prices. They will come by the first good opportunity. Be so good as to present my respects to her and to be assured of the sineere attachment and respect of, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 41 TO EDWARD BANCROFT. PARIS, January 26, 1788. DEAR SIR,-I have deferred answering your letter on the subject of slaves because you permitted me to do it till a moment of leisure, and that moment rarely comes, and because, too, I could not answer you with such a degree of certainty as to merit any notice. I do not recollect the conversation at Vincennes to which you allude, but can repeat still on the same ground on which I must have done then that as far as I can judge from the experiments Which have been made to give liberty to, or rather abandon, persons whose habits have been formed in slavery is like abandoning children. Many Quakers in Virginia seated their slaves on their lands as ten- ants; they were distant from me, and therefore I cannot be particular in the details because I never had very particular information. I cannot say whether they were to pay a rent in money or a share of the produce, but I remember that the landlord was obliged to plan their crops for them, to direct all their operations during every season and according to the weather ; but what is more afflicting, he was obliged to watch them daily and almost constantly to make them work and even to whip them. A man's moral sense must be unusually strong if slavery does not make him a thief. He who is permitted by law to have no property of his own can with difficulty con- ceive that property is founded in anything but force. 42 Jefferson's Works These slaves chose to steal from their neighbors rather than work ; they became public nuisances and in most instances were reduced to slavery again. But I will beg of you to make no use of this imperfect information (unless in common conversation). I shall go to America in the spring and return in the fall. During my stay in Virginia I shall be in the neighborhood where many of these trials were made. I will inform myself very particularly of them and communicate the information to you. Besides these there is an instance since I came away of a young man (Mr. Mays) who died and gave freedom to all his slaves, about zoo; this is about a year ago. I shall know how they have turned out. Notwithstanding the discouraging re- sult of these experiments I am decided on my final return to America to try this one. I shall endeavor to import as many Germans as I have grown slaves. I will settle them and my slaves on farms of fifty acres each, intermingled, and place all on the footing of the Metayers (Medictani) of Europe. Their chil- dren shall be brought up as others are in habits of property and foresight, and I have no doubt but that ' they will be good citizens. Some of their fathers will be so, others I suppose will need government; with these all that can be done is to oblige them to labor as the laboring poor of Europe do, and to apply to their comfortable subsistence the produce of their labor, retaining such a moderate portion of it as may be a just equivalent for the use of the Supplementary Manuscripts 43 lands they labor and the stocks and other necessary advances. A word now on Mr. Paradise's affairs. You were informed at the time of the arrangement they had established in their affairs, to wit, reserving four hun- dred pounds a year for their subsistence, abandoning the rest of their income, about four hundred pounds more, all their credits (one which is eight hundred pounds from an individual and another is one thou- sand pounds from the State), and the cutting of a valuable wood, to their creditors. Their whole debts amounting but to two thousand three hundred pounds, the term of payment cannot be long if this arrangement can be preserved. I had hoped that the journey to Italy would have fixed Mrs. Paradise with her daughter and left him free to travel or tarry where he liked best, but this journey has been a bur- den instead of a relief to their affairs. In fact it is evident to me that the society of England is neces- sary for the happiness of Mrs. Paradise and is perhaps the most agreeable to Mr. Paradise also; it is an object, therefore, to obtain the concurrence of their creditors in the arrangements taken. The induce- ment to be proposed to them is Miss Paradise joining in a deed in which these dispositions shall be stipu- lated (which by the laws of Virginia will bind her property there) so that the creditors would be secured of their debts in the event of Mr. Para- dise's death. The inducement to Mr. and Mrs. Paradise is that their persons and property shall 44 Jefferson's Works be free from molestation and their substance not consumed at law. We suppose that the creditors will name one trus- tee and Mr. Paradise another (yourself), fully and solely authorized to receive all remittances from America, to pay to them first their subsistence money and the rest to the creditors till they are fully paid. Miss Paradise will set out in a few days for London to set her hand to this accommodation ; in the mean- time they hope you will prepare the ground by nego- tiating the settlement with the creditors; as far as I have any influence with Mr. or Mrs. Paradise I used it and shall use it for the joint interests, of their creditors and themselves, for I view it was clearly their interest to reduce themselves to as moderate an expense as possible till their debts are paid ; if this can be effected before my departure in April I will not only aid it here, but have anything done which may be necessary in Virginia when I go there, such as the recording the deed, etc. This journey of Mr. Paradise's will also be an experiment whether their distresses will not be lighter when separated than while together. I shall always be glad to hear from you. Since Mr. Adams' departure I have need of information from that country and should rely much on yours; it will always therefore be acceptable. I am with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 45 TO THE COUNTESS BARZIZA. PARIS, July 8, 1788. MADAM,-The letter of March 15, which you did me the honor to address me, came during my absence on a journey through Holland and Germany, and my first attentions after my return were necessarily called to some objects of business of too pressing a nature to be postponed. This has prevented my acknowledging as soon as I could have wished the honor of receiving your letter. The welcome recep- tion which Mr. and Mrs. Paradise met with in Vir- ginia was due to their own merit which had been well known there before their arrival, and to the esteem for your family entertained in that country. You would experience the same, Madam, were any consideration to tempt you to leave for a while your present situation to visit the. transatlantic seat of your ancestors. Heaven has already blessed you with one child, for which accept my sincere congratu- lations. It may perhaps multiply these blessings on you and in that event your family estate in Vir- ginia may become a handsome and happy establish- ment for a younger child. It will be a welcome present to a country which will continue to think it has some claims on you. I felicitate you on the prospect of seeing Mr. and Mrs. Paradise at Venice. The happiness of your situation, your virtues and those of the Count Barziza will contribute to re-estab- lish that tranquillity of mind which an unhappy loss 46 Jefferson's Works has disturbed and continues to disturb. Sensibility of mind is indeed the parent of every virtue, but it is the parent of much misery too. Nobody is more its victim than Mr. Paradise. Your happiness, your affection and your attentions can alone restore his serenity of mind. I am sure it will find repose in these sources, and that your virtues and those of the Count Barziza will occupy his mind in thinking on what he possesses rather than on what he has lost, and in due time to deliver him up fully to your affections. I wish to you, Madam, a continuance of all those circumstances of happiness which surround you, and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Madam, your most obe- dient and most humble servant. TO C. W. F. DUMAS. PARIS, July 30, 1788. SIR,-Your favor of the 24th has just come to hand and that of the 20th June had never been acknowl- edged. I congratulate you on the news just received of the accession of New Hampshire to the new Con- stitution, which suffices to establish it. I have the honor to inclose you details on that subject, as also on the reception of Mr. Adams, which you will be so good as to reduce to such a size as may gain admis- sion into the Leyden gazette. We may take a little glory to ourselves, too, on the victory of our Paul Supplementary Manuscripts 47 Jones over the Turks commanded by the Captain Pacha, and we may be assured, if it has, been as signal as the Russians say, that Constantinople will be bom- barded by that officer. Why did the Swedish fleet salute the Russian instead of attacking it ? It would make one suspect that their whole movements had in view to divert the Russian fleet from going round if it could be done by hectoring without engaging in the war, well understood that Turkey pays and England guarantees them against all events. It is scarcely possible, however, that all these things can pass over without a war. I think the internal affairs of this country will be settled without bloodshed. I have the honor to be, with very great esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. TO JOHN JAY. PARIS, September 5, 1788. SIR,-I wrote you the 3d instant and have this day received Mr. Remsen 's favor of July 25, written during your absence at Poughkeepsie, and enclosing the ratification of the loan of a million florins for which Mr. Adams had executed bonds at Amsterdam in March last. The expediency of that loan resulting from an estimate made by Mr. Adams and myself, and that estimate having been laid before Congress, their ratification of the loan induces a presumption that they will appropriate the money to the objects of the estimate. I am in hopes, therefore, that orders are 48 Jefferson's Works given by the Treasury Board to the commissioners of loans at Amsterdam to apply these moneys accord- ingly and especially to furnish as soon as they shall have it what may be necessary for the redemption of our captives at Algiers, which is a pressing call. I am not without anxiety however on this subject, because in a letter of July 22d, received this day from the Treasury Board, they say nothing on that subject nor on the arrearages of the foreign officers. They indorse me the order of Congress of the 18th of July for sending to the Treasury Board the books and papers of the office of foreign accounts. I shall accordingly put them into the hands of a person who goes from Paris to-morrow morning by the way of Havre to America and shall endeavor to prevail on him to attend them from the place of his landing to New York that the board may receive them from the hand which receives them from me. The re-establishment of the parliament and revo- cation of everything which was done on the 8th of May is expected to take place in three or four days. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant. TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON. PARIS, December 21, 1788. DEAR SIR,-My last to you was of May 8 and July 6, that of the latter date was only to enclose a book- Supplementary Manuscripts 49 seller's proposals for sending books to America. The one of May 8 acknowledged the receipt of yours of Dec. 16. I informed you also in the letter of May 8 that the vinegar was at length lodged for you in the hands of M. Limousin at Havre to be forwarded to the first vessel to Philadelphia. He has never sent it till the last month and then by a vessel bound to Baltimore as you will see by the enclosed bill of lading. However it was in the care of a Mr. Vanet who was to go in to New York and who I hope would give you notice of it. The books also which were lodged with M. Limousin for yourself, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Rittenhouse remained the whole winter at Havre. However, I hope you have long ago received them safe. I sent you as far as the 22d livraison of the Encyclopedie. We are now at the 29th. To that number, therefore, and what more may come out before April I, I shall bring to you, for I have asked of Congress a leave of five or six months' absence of the next year to carry my family home and to arrange my affairs there which were left at sixes and sevens under the idea of soon return- ing to them. I shall hope therefore to see you in the course of the summer. I have no doubt about continuing to take out your encyclopaedia because I have had your express approbation of doing it and you would expressly desire me to cease if you meant to discon- tinue. But I am more doubtful as to Dr. Franklin's because my first doing it for him was without orders Vol. xix--4 50 Jefferson's Works and he has never intimated to me a wish to continue. However I shall bring his also, unless he expressly desires the contrary for which he will still have time as I shall not sail till the middle of April. Be so good as to mention these things to him with my sincere respects. Not having one scrap of news in literature or the arts I must be contented to give you those of the political world. This country is proceeding steadily to form a constitution. The noise in the earlier part of, it threatened violence, but' as yet not a life has been lost. All hands are employed in drawing plans of bills of rights. Their States-General will probably meet in March. They will obtain with little or no opposition from the court their own periodical meet- ing, their exclusive right to tax, and a share in the legislation. Some will aim at a habeas corpus law and free press. These will not be so sure in the first session. These occupations render this country very desirous of peace. The insanity of the King of England leaves them tolerably sure of it, as regencies are generally peaceable and there is no other quarter from which they feared being forced into a war. We had supposed the war in the North in a fair way of being stopped when all of a sudden disturbances in Poland seem to threaten a rupture between Russia and Poland. In this case the former must make her peace with the Turks by the cession of the Crimea and the scene of war will be changed. As yet, however, the symptoms are not decisive enough to say that it Supplementary Manuscripts 51 will take that turn. I am happy to find our new Constitution is accepted and our government likely to answer its purposes better. I hope that the addition of a bill of rights will bring over to it a greater part of those now opposed to it; and that this may be added without submitting the whole to the risk of a new convention. It would still have one fault in my eye, that of perpetual re-eligibility of the Presi- dent. But if my fears on that should be verified in the experiment I trust to the good sense of our chil- dren that they will apply the remedy which shall suit the circumstances then existing. Remember me affectionately to Mr. Rittenhouse and his family. Join my daughter in the same greetings as well as in those I desire you to present to your mother. Be assured yourself of the sentiments of esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. P. S. Jan. 1, 1789. My letter having waited a conveyance till this date I will add a word on the rigors of the winter in which we are. They have been excessive since the middle of November and are likely to continue. The mercury has been here as low as 9.5 degrees of Fahrenheit below nought, that is to say 41.5 degrees below the freezing point, which is more than was ever known before. I received letters from Marseilles this morning informing me the winter is more severe there than it was in 1709, when they lost all their olive trees. They apprehend the same 52 Jefferson's Works calamity now; and it will take twenty years to replace them. Jan. 12. After sealing my letter yours of Oct. 23d came to hand. I am glad to hear of Dr. Frank- lin 's health ; having had no news of him since July we were in quiet. I have seen Mr. and Mrs. Tellier- the vinegar you find is on its way. You will have the enjoyment the longer. I have not had time to read your vagary as you call it because I opened the letter only in the moment this is going off. I am sure it will please me as all your vagaries do. A.dieu. TO JOHN JAY. PARIS, March 1, 1789. SIR,-My last letters have been of the 11th, 12th and 21st of January. The present conveyance being through the post to Havre, from whence a vessel is to sail for New York, I avail myself of it principally to send you the newspapers. That of Leyden of the 24th contains a note of the Charge des Affaires of France at Warsaw which is interesting. It shows a concert between France and Russia ; it is a prognosti- cation that Russia will interfere in the affairs of Poland, and if she does it is most probable that the King of Poland must be drawn into the war. The revolution which has taken place in Geneva is a remarkable and late event. With the loss of only two or three lives, and in the course of one week, riots Supplementary Manuscripts 53 begun at first on account of a rise in the price of bread were improved and pointed to a reformation of their constitution, and their ancient constitution has been almost completely re-established. Nor do I see any reason to doubt of the permanence of the re-establishment. The King of England has shown such marks of returning reason that the regency bill was postponed in the House of Lo_rds. on the 19th inst. It seems now probable there may be no change of the minis- try, perhaps no regent. We may be sure, however, that the present ministry make the most of those favorable symptoms. There has been a riot in Brit- tany begun on account of the price of bread but con- verted into a quarrel between the noblesse and Tiers- etat. Some few lives were lost in it. All is quieted for the present moment. In Burgundy and Franche- cornpte the opposition of the nobles to the views of government is very warm. Everywhere else, however, the revolution is going on quietly and steadily and the public mind ripening so fast that there is great reason to hope a good result from the States-General. Their numbers-about twelve hundred-give room to fear, indeed, that they may be turbulent. _ Having never heard of Admiral Paul Jones since the action in which he took part before Oczahow, I began to be a little uneasy. But I have now received a letter from him dated at St. Petersburg, the 31st of January, where he had just arrived at the desire 54 Jefferson's Works of the Empress. He has hitherto commanded on the Black Sea. He does not know whether he shall be employed there, or where, the ensuing campaign. I have no other intelligence which would not lead me into details improper for the present mode of convey- ance. After observing, therefore, that the gazettes of France and Leyden to the present date accompany this I shall only add assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO JOHN PAUL JONES. PARIs, March 23, 1789. (By courier of France.) DEAR SIR,-Your favor of January 20/31 from St. Petersburg came safe to hand and is the only proof we have received of your existence since you left Copenhagen. I mention this that reflecting how and what you have written heretofore you may know how and what you may write hereafter. I shall put noth- ing into this letter but what is important to you and unimportant to any government through which it may pass. To begin with your private affairs. I received three days ago from M. Amoureux a bill for 1,900 louis payable at three (usances ?), which I have deliv- ered to Messrs. Grand and Co., and desired them to receive it when due and hold it subject to your order. Supplementary Manuscripts 55 This Amoureux mentions as forming a une bagatelle pres, the balance due you. Having been * * * * to carry into execution the orders for the medals, I have contracted with