Prefaces to the Rights of Man, by Thomas Paine
The Author's presentation of the treatise to George Washington
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
I present you a small treatise in defence of those principles of freedom
which your exemplary virtue hath so eminently contributed to establish. That
the Rights of Man may become as universal as your benevolence can wish, and
that you may enjoy the happiness of seeing the New World regenerate the Old, is
the prayer of
Your much obliged, and
Obedient humble Servant,
The Author's preface to the English version
From the part Mr. Burke
took in the American Revolution, it was natural that I should consider him a
friend to mankind; and as our acquaintance commenced on that ground, it would
have been more agreeable to me to have had cause to continue in that opinion
than to change it.
At the time Mr. Burke made his violent speech last winter in the English
Parliament against the French Revolution and the National Assembly, I was in
Paris, and had written to him but a short time before to inform him how
prosperously matters were going on. Soon after this I saw his advertisement of
the Pamphlet he intended to publish: As the attack was to be made in a language
but little studied, and less understood in France, and as everything suffers by
translation, I promised some of the friends of the Revolution in that country
that whenever Mr. Burke's Pamphlet came forth, I would answer it. This appeared
to me the more necessary to be done, when I saw the flagrant misrepresentations
which Mr. Burke's Pamphlet contains; and that while it is an outrageous abuse
on the French Revolution, and the principles of Liberty, it is an imposition on
the rest of the world.
I am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in Mr. Burke, as
(from the circumstances I am going to mention) I had formed other expectations.
I had seen enough of the miseries of war, to wish it might never more have
existence in the world, and that some other mode might be found out to settle
the differences that should occasionally arise in the neighbourhood of nations.
This certainly might be done if Courts were disposed to set honesty about it,
or if countries were enlightened enough not to be made the dupes of Courts. The
people of America had been bred up in the same prejudices against France, which
at that time characterised the people of England; but experience and an
acquaintance with the French Nation have most effectually shown to the
Americans the falsehood of those prejudices; and I do not believe that a more
cordial and confidential intercourse exists between any two countries than
between America and France.
When I came to France, in the spring of 1787, the Archbishop of Thoulouse
was then Minister, and at that time highly esteemed. I became much acquainted
with the private Secretary of that Minister, a man of an enlarged benevolent
heart; and found that his sentiments and my own perfectly agreed with respect
to the madness of war, and the wretched impolicy of two nations, like England
and France, continually worrying each other, to no other end than that of a
mutual increase of burdens and taxes. That I might be assured I had not
misunderstood him, nor he me, I put the substance of our opinions into writing
and sent it to him; subjoining a request, that if I should see among the people
of England, any disposition to cultivate a better understanding between the two
nations than had hitherto prevailed, how far I might be authorised to say that
the same disposition prevailed on the part of France? He answered me by letter
in the most unreserved manner, and that not for himself only, but for the
Minister, with whose knowledge the letter was declared to be written.
I put this letter into the, hands of Mr. Burke almost three years ago, and
left it with him, where it still remains; hoping, and at the same time
naturally expecting, from the opinion I had conceived of him, that he would
find some opportunity of making good use of it, for the purpose of removing
those errors and prejudices which two neighbouring nations, from the want of
knowing each other, had entertained, to the injury of both.
When the French Revolution broke out, it certainly afforded to Mr. Burke an
opportunity of doing some good, had he been disposed to it; instead of which,
no sooner did he see the old prejudices wearing away, than he immediately began
sowing the seeds of a new inveteracy, as if he were afraid that England and
France would cease to be enemies. That there are men in all countries who get
their living by war, and by keeping up the quarrels of Nations, is as shocking
as it is true; but when those who are concerned in the government of a country,
make it their study to sow discord and cultivate prejudices between Nations, it
becomes the more unpardonable.
With respect to a paragraph in this work alluding to Mr. Burke's having a
pension, the report has been some time in circulation, at least two months; and
as a person is often the last to hear what concerns him the most to know, I
have mentioned it, that Mr. Burke may have an opportunity of contradicting the
rumour, if he thinks proper.
The Author's preface to the French version (translated)
The astonishment which the French Revolution has caused
throughout Europe should be considered from two different points of view: first
as it affects foreign peoples, secondly as it affects their governments.
The cause of the French people is that of all Europe, or rather of the
whole world; but the governments of all those countries are by no means
favorable to it. It is important that we should never lose sight of this
distinction. We must not confuse the peoples with their governments; especially
not the English people with its government.
The government of England is no friend of the revolution of France. Of this
we have sufficient proofs in the thanks given by that weak and witless person,
the Elector of Hanover, sometimes called the King of England, to Mr. Burke for
the insults heaped on it in his book, and in the malevolent comments of the
English Minister, Pitt, in his speeches in Parliament.
In spite of the professions of sincerest friendship found in the official
correspondence of the English government with that of France, its conduct gives
the lie to all its declarations, and shows us clearly that it is not a court to
be trusted, but an insane court, plunging in all the quarrels and intrigues of
Europe, in quest of a war to satisfy its folly and countenance its
The English nation, on the contrary, is very favorably disposed towards the
French Revolution, and to the progress of liberty in the whole world; and this
feeling will become more general in England as the intrigues and artifices of
its government are better known, and the principles of the revolution better
understood. The French should know that most English newspapers are directly in
the pay of government, or, if indirectly connected with it, always under its
orders; and that those papers constantly distort and attack the revolution in
France in order to deceive the nation. But, as it is impossible long to prevent
the prevalence of truth, the daily falsehoods of those papers no longer have
the desired effect.
To be convinced that the voice of truth has been stifled in England, the
world needs only to be told that the government regards and prosecutes as a
libel that which it should protect. This outrage on morality is called
law, and judges are found wicked enough to inflict penalties on truth.
The English government presents, just now, a curious phenomenon. Seeing
that the French and English nations are getting rid of the prejudices and false
notions formerly entertained against each other, and which have cost them so
much money, that government seems to be placarding its need of a foe; for
unless it finds one somewhere, no pretext exists for the enormous revenue and
taxation now deemed necessary.
Therefore it seeks in Russia the enemy it has lost in France, and appears
to say to the universe, or to say to itself. "If nobody will be so kind as
to become my foe, I shall need no more fleets nor armies, and shall be forced
to reduce my taxes. The American war enabled me to double the taxes; the Dutch
business to add more; the Nootka humbug gave me a pretext for raising three
millions sterling more; but unless I can make an enemy of Russia the harvest
from wars will end. I was the first to incite Turk against Russian, and now I
hope to reap a fresh crop of taxes."
If the miseries of war, and the flood of evils it spreads over a country,
did not check all inclination to mirth, and turn laughter into grief, the
frantic conduct of the government of England would only excite ridicule. But it
is impossible to banish from one's mind the images of suffering which the
contemplation of such vicious policy presents. To reason with governments, as
they have existed for ages, is to argue with brutes. It is only from the
nations themselves that reforms can be expected. There ought not now to exist
any doubt that the peoples of France, England, and America, enlightened and
enlightening each other, shall henceforth be able, not merely to give the world
an example of good government, but by their united influence enforce its