THIRD SESSION OF THE FIRST CONGRESS.

CHAPTER XII.

AS TO RE-ELECTION.

_Philadelphia, December 1, 1790_. — Late in the afternoon I arrived in 
Philadelphia in order to attend Congress, which is to meet on Monday 
next. Saw nobody this afternoon nor evening.

_December 2d_. — Dressed and called first on General Mifflin. He was 
abroad. Then on Mr. Morris, who received me with frankness. Called on 
the President, Clymer, and at Fitzsimons'. The day soon became rainy. 
Came home. Heard from my brother in the evening that some attempt was 
making on the Sunbury lands by one Sewell and Hurst. This has cut out 
work for me in the morning.

_December 3d_. — Dressed and went early to the Governor's. He was at 
breakfast, and had four school-boys about him making them show him their 
Latin exercises, repeat their lessons, tell what books they were 
reading, etc. So much does he love to be the cock of the school that he 
seems actually to court the company of children, where he is sure he 
will meet with no contradiction. His tongue ran like a whirligig. There 
was no getting a word in among the children. I had, however, 
considerable attention paid to me by two dogs, who pawed me over. I 
learned that no decision had been given by the Board of Property in the 
case of the Sunbury lands. Took the first opportunity I possibly could 
of withdrawing. No public character ever appeared to me more disgusting.

Called on David Kenedy, of tie Land-Office, and made what we thought the 
best arrangement respecting the affair of Sunbury.

Met with Mr. Langdon and went a-visiting, in which we {346} spent the 
forenoon. Called in the evening at Mr. McConnell's, the broker. He told 
me the public creditors were very busy under their chairman, Petitt, 
preparing petitions, memorials, etc., for Congress. I made some remarks 
tending to show that they were well enough for the purpose intended. He 
readily joined me; said it was carried on to answer electioneering 
purposes; that Petitt wanted to be in Congress, etc. Petitt is my old 
enemy, and will supplant me if he can. Agreed.

_December 4th, Saturday_. — I have deliberated much on the subject 
whether I will call to see Bingham, Powell, and others. I have called on 
Morris, Clymer, and Fitzsimons. Why not on them? By the rules of 
etiquette, perhaps, they should call on me. I have resolved all over in 
my mind. _Jacta est alea_, and I will go. But as I went I fell in with 
Mr. Clymer, and away we went a-visiting. Clymer certainly means to be on 
good terms with me. We had two long visits. I called at Bingham's. Found 
him at home and had a long chat. Took leave and left a card at Mr. 
Powell's. Called at Mr. Chew's, who urged me to stay for dinner. I 
accepted his invitation for two o'clock, and the rest of the day was 
accordingly disposed of, for it was past three before we sat down.

I called twice this day at Dr. Rush's, but saw him not. Saw the Speaker. 
The Speaker said, on the authority of Dr. Rush, that we would all be 
re-elected. Believe it not.

_December 5th, Sunday_. — Was sent for early by Mr. Morris on the 
subject of taking up the frontier lands. I agreed to procure him a draft 
of such parts of the State as had vacant lands in them. No contract with 
him. I mean to have such a draft made for the use of the members of the 
Assembly, or at least for their information. Pressed me to dine with 
him. Did so.

Mr. Powell returned my visit. Visited Langdon in the evening.

_December 6th, Monday_. — My brother informed me this morning that 
Charles Thompson had applied to one Collins, a member from Berks County, 
for his interest to obtain my place as Senator. It comes very direct, 
and was talked over yesterday at Blair McClenachan's, where Matthew 
Irwin dined, {347} from whom my brother [Samuel Maclay] had it. Out some 
of the citizens would have me, if they should put the devil in my place. 
This is what I must expect of them.

Attended at the Hall at eleven. Senate was formed, but no business done 
save the sending a message by our Secretary to the Representatives that 
the Senate was ready to proceed to business.

Spent the rest of the day in visits, etc.

_December 7th_. — Went early this morning to see ,if Mr. Montgomery, of 
our county, or Mr. White were come in. Found none of them. Called at Mr. 
Findlay's lodgings on my way home. He said he would call on me in the 
evening. Colonel Curtis spent some time this forenoon with me.

Attended at eleven at the Hall. A House was formed by the 
Representatives. On the 7th of January last King had introduced a new 
record altogether on the minutes, the intention of which was to secure 
the delivery of the President's speech in the Senate chamber. A 
resolution verbatim, with the entry of last January, was moved, carried, 
and sent down for concurrence. While this was done with us, a resolution 
passed to the Representatives for a joint committee waiting on the 
President with information that quorums were formed in both Houses. Our 
Secretary and the Clerk of the Representatives passed each other on the 
stairs with their respective resolutions. Each House appointed 
committees under their own resolutions, and the committees met. The 
Representatives urged that it was idle to name any place to do business 
in until it was known whether any business would be done. The President 
was in our favor.

This silly thing kept us talking an hour and a half. The Clerk of the 
Representatives announced the non-concurrence of our resolution. This 
had like to have raised a flame, but a motion was at length made and 
carried for the concurrence of the resolution which came up. The joint 
committee now waited on the President, who charged them with information 
that he would to-morrow at twelve o'clock deliver his speech to both 
Houses in the Senate Chamber, and so ended this arduous affair. The 
Senate adjourned.

The first levee was held this day, at which I attended.

{348}


At about seven o'clock Mr. Findley called on me. We had a long 
conversation, or at least a busy one, for about an hour. I must be 
blind, indeed, if I did not see that he is doing every thing in his 
power to supplant me by way of preparing me for the part which he was 
about to act. He first told me that Gurney and he had some conversation, 
which would seem to impart that John Montgomery, of Carlisle, was the 
man to supplant me. I mentioned it as a matter that would savor too 
strongly of cabal to take one of file electing members. This threw him 
off his guard, and he spoke rather tartly of my remark, and alleged 
there could be nothing in it; said "_if I am elected I will serve_, but 
I will take no part in the matter, and I will give you leave to blame me 
if I do." This sentiment he reiterated more than once. He kept looking 
at his watch incessantly and was in evident perturbation from the time I 
hinted the impropriety of one of the electing members being chosen. When 
I hinted that some complaints had been raised against my brother, he 
alleged it was so; that 1 likewise had made proposals to Colonel Smith, 
which he insinuated had not been adhered to. I told him what I 
recollected of the discourse between Colonel Smith and myself, and said 
I had entered into no engagements with him or any other one on the 
occasion.

_December 8th_. — This was the day assigned for the President to deliver 
his speech, and was attended with all the bustle and hurry usual on such 
occasions. The President was dressed in black, and read his speech well 
enough, or at least tolerably. After he was gone, and the Senate only 
remained, our Vice-President seemed to take great pains to read it [the 
speech] better. If he had such a view, he succeeded; but the difference 
between them amounted to this: one might be considered as at home and 
the other in a strange company. The speech was committed.

I could not help taking some pains to counteract Mr. Findley. But my 
situation is a critical one. I must stand with open breast to receive 
the wound inflicted by my adversaries, while the smallest endeavors on 
my part, either to obtain favor or to remove misrepresentation, is 
called begging of votes by pretended though false friends. I will, 
however, do {349} what I think proper, for to attempt pleasing every one 
would be to carry the ass, indeed.

Findley drew away my mind for a moment. Let me return to the President. 
Does he really look like a man who enters into file spirit of his 
appointment? Does he show that he receives it in trust for the happiness 
of the people, and not as a fee simple for his own emolument? Time and 
practice will, perhaps, best elucidate this point.

_December 9th_. — This day the Senate afforded neither motion nor debate. 
The communications hinted at in file President's speech were delivered 
to us, and continued to be read till past two o'clock, when the Senate 
adjourned. A war has actually been undertaken against the Wabash Indians 
without any authority of Congress, and, what is worse, so far as 
intelligence has come to hand, we have reason to believe it is 
unsuccessful. Mind what comes of it.

The Vice-President, Mr. Wyngate, and some more of us, stood by the fire. 
When the affairs of France were talked, I said the National Assembly had 
attacked royalty, nobility, hierarchy, and the Bastile altogether, and 
seemed likely to demolish the whole. The Vice-President said it was 
impossible to destroy nobility; it was founded in nature. Wyngate 
engaged. The Vice-President's arguments were drawn from the respect 
shown to the sons of eminent men, although vicious and undeserving. When 
file parties had nearly exhausted themselves, I asked whether our 
Indians might not be considered as having devised an excellent method of 
getting rid of this prejudice by ranking all the children after the 
mother. This sent off the whole matter in a smile; Adams, however, never 
was cured, or is relapsed into his _nobilimania_. After we were seated 
and a slack moment happened, Mr. Morris drew his chair near mine and 
hinted to me that Bingham's unanimous vote for the Speaker's chair was 
the price of his influence in favor of Findley. I said I thought likely. 
But Bingham had obtained his end, and might now be on file other tack.

_December 10th_. — This day was unimportant in the Senate. The committee 
reported an answer to the President's speech. The echo was a good one, 
and was adopted without material amendment.

{350}

A packet had arrived a few days ago from France, directed to the 
President and members of Congress. The President, from motives of 
delicacy, would not open it. It came to the Senate, and was sent back to 
the President, and now returned opened. It contained a number of copies 
of the eulogiums delivered on Dr. Franklin by order of the National 
Assembly. Our Vice-President looked over' the letter some time and then 
began reading the additions that followed the President's name. He was 
Doctor of the Sorbonne, etc., to the number of fifteen (as our 
Vice-President said). These appellations of office he chose to call 
"titles," and then said some sarcastic things against the National 
Assembly for abolishing titles. I could not help remarking that this 
whole matter was received and transacted with a coldness and apathy that 
astonished me; and the letter and all the pamphlets were sent down to 
the Representatives as if unworthy the attention of our body. I 
deliberated with myself whether I should not rise and claim one of the 
copies in right of my being a member. I would, however, only have got 
into a wrangle by so doing without working any change on my 
fellow-members. There might be others who indulged the same sentiments, 
but 'twas silence all.

_December 13th_. — The Senate having adjourned over from Friday to this 
day [Monday], nothing of public nature has taken place. I was engaged 
Saturday and this morning in negotiating the sale of some certificates, 
which I completed, and placed the money in the bank.

The minutes were read about half after eleven, and the committee on the 
business reported that the President had appointed twelve to receive our 
address. Twelve soon came, and we went on this formality, which finished 
the senatorial business of the day.

This day completed the sale of Mr. Harris's certificates at the most 
either Bobby or myself could make of them. Got a check on the bank and 
put the whole in part notes.

_December 14th_. — Attended the Senate, but no business of moment was 
transacted. Official information was communicated to the Senate of 
General Hamer's expedition. The ill-fortune of the affair breaks through 
all the coloring that was given to it. 'Tis said one hundred Indians 
have been killed. {351} But two hundred of our own people have certainly 
perished in the expedition.

This was levee day, and I accordingly dressed and did the needful. It is 
an idle thing, but what is the life of men but folly? — and this is 
perhaps as innocent as any of them, so far as respects the persons 
acting. The practice, however, considered as a feature of royalty, is 
certainly anti-republican. This certainly escapes nobody. The royalists 
glory in it as a point gained. Republicans are borne down by fashion and 
a fear of being charged with a want of respect to General Washington. If 
there is treason in the wish I retract it, but would to God this same 
General Washington were in heaven! We would not then have him brought 
forward as the constant cover to every unconstitutional and irrepublican 
act.

_December 15th_. — This day was really a blank in the Senate. Two 
petitions were presented which, being only counterparts of what were 
expected to be acted upon in the Lower House, were laid on our table. 
Mr. Morris was called often out by our own citizens. The doorkeeper 
named the people who sent in for him. Peter Muhlenberg was one, Colonel 
Hartley was another. This day certificates raised fourpence in the 
pound.

_December 16th_. — I, this day, attended the Board of Property. There 
never was a more groundless persecution than has been set on foot 
against me, and is now supported by one Rowls, the same with whom my 
brother quartered last winter. He seems determined to injure my 
reputation if possible. I had to oppose him, and there certainly never 
was a clearer case. It was, however, agreed that my brother's deposition 
should be taken, and the Board to meet to-morrow. I was taken away the 
whole day by this vile business.

_December 17th_. — Got my brother's deposition and attended at the Board, 
having first heard prayers and sat a half hour at the Hall. Rowls was at 
the Board, and displayed every pettifogging shift and evasion. He is 
really a rascal, and all this matter is pushed by him to injure me at my 
ensuing election. I have letters from my dear child Johnny, telling me 
that he had information of this kind.

I spent the residue of the day in various other pieces of business.

{352}

_December 18th_. — Being Saturday and excessively cold, stayed at home 
all day. Was visited by Madison, Bishop, and White, and many other 
respectable characters.

Settled with Mr. Ogden. His bill in full for the coupé carriage, horse, 
and lodging for two weeks, ending the 15th at night, and all the washing 
heretofore done, £4 7_s_. 7_d_. Paid off, and he has ten dollars in his 
hands to stand opposite firewood. The rate of boarding, three dollars 
per week, exclusive of firewood, at least it is so by this bill.

This night it is reported that the six-per-cents were at par.

_December 19th, Sunday_. — The cold continued. Dined out with Mr. Powel. 
Spent the most of the day in writing letters to home.

_December 20th, Monday_. — Paid some visits. Attended at the Hall. 
Congress were engaged until almost three with the reading of a long and 
most impudent memorial from the public creditors. Paid visits, etc. The 
weather abated, and prospect of a thaw.

December 21st, Tuesday. — The memorial and remonstrance of the public 
creditors engaged us some time. I saw, or at least I thought I saw, a 
storm gathering in the countenances of the Senators yesterday, and moved 
an adjournment. I told Mr. Morris of it, and he agreed it was so, and 
for fear of this same storm he moved an adjournment this day. But 
Schuyler had a long motion. It concluded with the "danger" and 
"inexpediency" of any innovation in the funding. A variety of opinions 
were now offered as to the time of proceeding tomorrow. Monday, Friday, 
and Thursday were all spoken of, and Thursday agreed to take it up.

This day the Governor of our State was proclaimed. Mr. Morris spoke 
early to me. His words were, "I expect every moment to hear from the 
delegation who are now meeting to fix a time to wait on the Governor, 
and I will let you know of it." I waited, but heard nothing from him.

_December 22d_. — I called this morning on the Comptroller, and he was 
obliging enough to send for Mr. Smilie, and did my character justice in 
respect to sundry aspersions cast on it by Mr. Findley and Smilie.

I came home; was dressed and went out to visit about ten. {353} Came to 
the Hall about eleven. Here Mr. Langdon told me that Mr. Morris and the 
delegation were just gone to wait on the Governor. I posted after and 
thought to overtake them. Called on the Governor; was sure I would find 
them there. It was not so. Was sure they would come in every moment. 
They did not come in. I returned to the Hall; found Mr. Morris there. He 
apologized: said he got the notification yesterday in company; the time 
was half after ten. He had sent his servant up with the note to me. I 
asked at my lodgings. No note was there, nor had anybody seen the 
servant. From the drift of dust and feathers you see how the wind blows.

Paid my boarding up to last night; three dollars.

I can not help wishing myself honorably quit of the enviable station. 
What a host of enemies has it not raised about me, with calumny and 
detraction in every corner! Fate but grant me this, that their 
dissensions and cabals may protect the election until my period be 
expired, and if you find me in this city twenty-four hours longer, 
inflict what insult you please on me. Placed on an eminence, slander and 
defamation are the hooks applied to pull me down. It is natural to make 
some efforts to disengage one's self from such grapplings, yet even the 
slightest endeavor of this kind is reprobated as an attempt to procure 
votes. What a set of vipers!

_December 23d_. — Visited this morning to near eleven. Attended at the 
Hall. Mr. Morris was late in coming. And now the resolution respecting 
the public creditors, or rather in answer to their memorial; was taken 
up. Every mode was tried to let them down easy, as the phrase is. Great 
accommodation was tried to get Mr. Morris to come into the measure, and 
it really seemed that more than once he was satisfied with Elsworth's 
modification of the resolution. King offered a second one, or, perhaps, 
I might say, a fourth one, which was adopted. Mr. M. told me he would 
agree to it. But a number rose for the yeas and nays. Mr. Monroe, of 
Virginia, desired to be excused, and was so. Mr. Morris was the only 
nay. I was in good humor myself, although I considered the vote of this 
day as waging a war with the public creditors, in which I will most 
probably lose my re-election, and was sorry {354} to see my colleague 
manifest such a degree of obstinacy and peevishness. He left the Senate 
chamber immediately after the vote.

A vote for the inexpediency of altering the funding system at this time, 
from a person who uniformly opposed the system in its passage into a 
law, may seem to require some apology. My vote proceeds not from an 
approbation of the funding system, but from a total disapprobation of 
the memorial now before us. Upon republican principles, I hold the voice 
of the majority to be sacred. That the funding law has obtained that 
majority is undeniable, and acquiescence is our duty; but I never will 
subscribe to a blind and unalterable one. The making debts irredeemable 
and perpetual is a power that I am convinced posterity will spurn at. 
The Western lands are the natural fund for the redemption of our 
national debt It is now unproductive. Perhaps the fault is ours that it 
is so. As soon as it is otherwise, I would be happy to see all stock 
made strictly personal, unalienable, and incapable of descent or any 
negotiation, save commutation in lands; and let it die with the 
obstinate speculator who refuses such commutation. The stockholder, to 
any amount, is an unproductive character — worse, he is the tool of a bad 
administration. A good one needs none. It is enough that we have seen 
one generation of them. Let us not perpetuate the breed; their children, 
cut off from such expectations, will be restored to industry.

It is a fact that the six-per-cents are now nearly at par, or at least 
this appearance is kept up among the speculators. An act passed hastily 
just at the close of the last session directed the borrowing two 
millions of dollars with design of buying in the public debt and 
lessening it. The real object was the increasing it by raising the 
value. Three millions of florins have been borrowed in pursuance of this 
law. The Board of Purchase named in the law completed their purchase of 
November at about 12s. 4d. on the face and 7s. 3d. arrears. It was 
natural to expect this would be about the standing value, but, by one 
effort of impudence, par was demanded in three days on the appearance of 
the Treasurer's advertisements.

_December 24th_. — The papers full of the advertisements {355} this day 
of stock of every kind for sale, and there is no doubt but the show of 
sales nearly at par will be kept up in order to save appearances and 
cover the advance prices which are daily given by the Board of Purchase 
through the medium of the Treasury. This whole matter of purchasing in 
stock to sink the debt, ostensibly, has really no other object but to 
raise the value of it, and so to make immense fortunes to the 
speculators who have amassed vast quantities of certificates for little 
or nothing. I did not think it possible that mankind could be so easily 
duped, and yet there never was a vainer task than to attempt to 
undeceive them.

Very little was done in the Senate to-day. Sundry communications were 
made from the Representatives relating to the settlement on Port St. 
Vincennes, on the Wabash. Which was laid on our table.

Yesterday the Secretary's [Hamilton's] report on the subject of a 
national bank was handed to us, and I can readily find that a bank will 
be the consequence. Considered as an aristocratic engine, I have no 
great predilection for banks. They may be considered, in some measure, 
as operating like a tax in favor of the rich, against the poor, tending 
to the accumulating in a few hands; and under this view may be regarded 
as opposed to republicanism. And yet stock, wealth, money, or property 
of any kind whatever accumulated, has a similar effect. The power of 
incorporating may be inquired into. But the old Congress enjoyed it. 
Bank bills are promissory notes, and, of course, not money. I see no 
objection in this quarter. The great point is, if possible, to prevent 
the making of it a machine for the mischievous purposes of bad 
ministers; and this must depend more on the vigilance of future 
legislators than on either the virtue or foresight of the present ones.

_December 25th_. — This, being Christmas-day, dined with Parson Ewing, 
and had the task of hearing him rail almost all the time I was with him 
against Congress. He talked of demonstration and mathematical proof of 
the impositions which he had sustained. But he really did not understand 
the laws. I waived all altercation with him as much as I could. He had 
the terms rogue and cheat very familiarly at his {356} fingers' ends, 
or, I should rather say, at his tongue's end. He, however, talked of 
selling out.

I was this day assured that the six-per-cents were above par. The law 
for purchases allows the overplus money in the Treasury, after 
satisfying the appropriations, to be laid out in the purchase of 
certificates as well as the two million dollars to be borrowed abroad. 
It was originated and passed after I left New York, and is certainly the 
most impudent transaction that I ever knew in the political world. I 
regret my being absent when it passed, although my presence could have 
had no effect whatever on the progress of it further than I would have 
borne my testimony against it. This nominal reduction is a virtual 
raising of the whole value of the debt. Something of this kind, I have 
heard, is common in England. When governments attempt a purchase of any 
kind of stock, the holders of that kind of stock never fail to raise the 
residue. Hamilton must have known this well. Our speculators knew all 
this. They have a general communication with each other. They are 
actuated by one spirit, or, I should rather say, by Hamilton. Nobody, 
generally speaking, but them buy. It is easy for them, by preconcert, to 
settle what proposals they will give in; and, these being filled, the 
commissioners are justified in taking the lowest. I can not, however, 
help predicting that when the florins are out there will be a crash and 
the stocks will fall.

_December 26th_. — Being Sunday, my brother agreed with me that we would 
visit Dr. Logan. This man has every testimony, both of practice and 
profession, in favor of his republicanism. He has been in the Assembly 
of Pennsylvania, and there had it in his power to have formed a 
coalition with the city interest. He has, however, continued firmly 
attached to the rural plans and arrangements of life and the democratic 
system of government. His motto is, "_Vox populi vox Dei._" But mottoes 
and professions nowadays are as the idle wind which no one ought to 
regard unless supported by practice; and scarce can you depend on 
practice unless you see it embracing interest. This has been in some 
degree his case. We had been but a little while with him when we were 
joined by Judge Burke, of South Carolina. This was the very man who, 
{357} while in New York, railed so tremendously against the Quakers, and 
against Pennsylvania for having Quakers. Behold a wonder! Now he rails 
against slavery, extols Quakers, and blazes against the attentions 
showed to General Washington, which he calls idolatry; and that a party 
wish as much to make him a king as ever the flatterers of Cromwell 
wished to raise him to that dignity.

Dr. Logan has Oswald's [news] paper at his devotion, and I can see that 
Burke will discharge many of his sentiments through this channel. Burke 
said many just things, but he is too new a convert to merit confidence. 
I find, however, on examination, that this is the same man who wrote 
against the Cincinnati.

_December 27th, Monday_. — I received just after breakfast a letter from 
Mr. Harris, and spent the day mostly in buying things which were to go 
by the man who brought the letter, he being a wagoner. Just as I came 
out of the door of the Hall, Hartley had fallen and broke his arm. I was 
among the first to show him every attention that his situation required, 
and the more especially as I have reason to consider him as inimical to 
my reappointment; to the Senate of the United States. This day produced 
nothing of importance in the Senate. My attention to Hartley prevented 
my returning into the Senate chamber.

_December 28th, Tuesday_. — Attended the Senate as usual. A slight debate 
took place respecting a law for continuing permission to the States of 
Rhode Island, Maryland, and Georgia the power to levy certain duties of 
tonnage for the purposes of repairs on their respective ports. The bill 
was recommitted, with two additional members added to the committee.

This being levee day, I attended in a new suit. This piece of duty I 
have not omitted since I came to town, and if there is little harm in it 
there can not be much good. Jackson looked shyly at me this day. I 
observed his eye upon me, and it had, in my opinion, something of the 
malignant in it. But I never cared less for court favor. I really feel a 
thirst to return to my family, and, although I will feel the pang which 
the insult of being rejected will inflict, yet, perhaps, a re-election 
might be among my misfortunes.

{358}

_December 29th_. — This day a blank in the Senate with respect to any 
business of importance. Mr. Morris told me I was blamed for not going 
among the members and speaking to them, etc. What a set of vipers I have 
to deal with! One party watches and ridicules me if I am seen speaking a 
word to a member. In order to avoid the censure of them I have rather 
secreted myself from the members, and the fault is fixed on it.

William Montgomery called this evening to tell me that he must go home 
on account of the indisposition of his wife. This is, perhaps, a vote 
out of pocket, but can not be helped.

I called this evening at the lodgings of some of the members who were 
out. Fitzsimons had often said he was at home in the evening, and 
desired me to call. I drank tea with him and the family. Sat a good 
while. The chat was various. He did not touch the subject of my 
re-election. He did not come with me to the door when I took my 
leave — as much as to say, I want no private communication. Be it so. If 
I want help, I need not look to him for it. Whatever is, is best, and I 
have little doubt that my rejection, if it takes place, will be best.

The character of Brackenridge was introduced. Fitzsimons said he came 
down in the State Legislature once. We took notice of him, and he 
embarked for us like a barrister through thick and thin. But he sold 
himself by it, lost his popularity, and we have never seen him since. He 
accompanied this with a loud laugh, which is uncommon with him, as his 
risibility seldom exceeds a dry smile or a sarcastic grin. Mrs. 
Fitzsimons cried out: "How insufferably cruel is that, my dear! You 
first mislead the man, and now ridicule him for the consequences of his 
mistakes." She did not just say the devil does so, but something not 
unlike it. It gave my friend Thomas Fitzsimons the fiats, for he hardly 
said a word afterward.

_December 30th_. — I called this day on sundry members of the Assembly. 
As I came home I called at Boyd's, the place where all the plots are 
laid against me. Findley talked confidently. Smiley and Boyd rather 
seemed to oppose him. But I have a right to consider myself as among a 
den of thieves. I need never cross this threshold again. Advances to 
them are idle.

{359}

Attended the Hall at the usual time. A communication from the President 
respecting the prisoners at Algiers, fourteen of whom only are alive, 
was delivered to the Senate. Read and committed to the Committee on the 
Mediterranean Navigation. Did some business about the offices. Called 
and sat a good part of the evening with White, who had two of the 
Lancaster members with him — Carpenter and Brickbell. I need say nothing 
more to them. They now know me. From White I had much information of the 
malignant whispers, innuendoes, and malevolent remarks made respecting 
me. It was painful, and I could not refrain demanding of him what or 
whether any charge was made against me. No, no; nothing in particular, 
but everybody says: "The people don't like you; the people won't hear of 
your re-election." Who are they that say so? "The leading members of the 
Assembly, officers of the Land-Office, citizens of Philadelphia, and 
others." Query: Is not the same spirit that dictated the ostracism at 
Athens, the petalism at Syracuse, and similar measures in other places, 
still prevalent in the human mind and character? The true cause of these 
banishments, whether by the oyster-shell or the olive — leaf, was really 
to remove a blameless rival out of the way of less deserving competitors 
for office by the name and clamor of the people when no other cause 
could be alleged against him. In this way is there not in every free 
country, where the competition for office is laid open, a constant 
ostracism at work on the character of every man eminent for worth or 
talents? These arts will, no doubt, prevail on many occasions, but they 
will now be universally successful. When they do, We must submit to them 
as in some measure inseparable from republicanism.

_December 31st_. — Attended at the Senate this day, where nothing was 
done of any consequence. Sundry papers relating to the inhabitants of 
Port Vincennes, or Vincent, on the Wabash, were committed. I was one of 
the committee.

I went a-visiting with Mr. Langdon. Dined this day with Mr. Morris. I 
can observe in general rather a coolness of the citizens toward me. Be 
it so. I will endeavor not to vex myself much with them.

This is the last day of the year, and I have faithfully noted {360} 
every political transaction that has happened to me in it. And of what 
avail had it been? I thought it possible that I would be called on with 
respect to the part I had acted in the Senate by the Legislature of 
Pennsylvania, or at least by some of them; but is there a man of them 
who has thought it worth while to ask a single question? No. Are they 
not, every man of them, straining after offices, posts, and preferments? 
At least, every one of them who has the smallest chance of success? Yes, 
verily. Nor is there a man who seems to care a farthing how I acted, but 
wished me out, to make a vacancy. Reward from men it is in vain to look 
for. It is, however, of some consequence to me that I have nothing to 
charge myself with.

Having some leisure on hand, I have looked over my minutes for the last 
month. It is with shame and contrition that I find the subject of my 
re-election has engaged so much or any of my thoughts. Blessed with 
affluence, domestic in my habits and manners, rather rigid and 
uncomplying in my temper, generally opposed in sentiments to the 
prevailing politics of the times; no placeman, speculator, pensioner, or 
courtier — it is equally absurd for me to wish a continuance in Congress 
as to desire to walk among briers and thorns rather than on the beaten 
road. It may be said a love for the good of my country should influence 
my wishes. Let those care to whom the trust is committed; but never beg 
for that trust when, in my own opinion, I have been of so little 
service, and have sacrificed both health and domestic happiness at the 
shrine of my country. Nothing that I could do, either by conversation or 
writing, has been wanting to let men see the danger which is before 
them. But seeing is not the sense that will give them the alarm; feeling 
only will have this effect, and it is hard to say how callous even this 
may be. Yet when the seeds of the funding system ripen into taxation of 
every kind and upon every article; when the general judiciary, like an 
enforcing machine, follows them up, seizing and carrying men from one 
corner of a State to another, and perhaps, in time, through different 
States, I should not be at all disappointed if a commotion, like a 
popular fever, should be excited, and, at least, attempt to throw off 
these political disorders. Ill, however, {361} will the Government be, 
under which an old man can not eke out ten or a dozen years of an 
unimportant life in quiet; and may God grant peace in my day!

But as to the point in hand, let me now mark down some rules for my 
future conduct.

First, then, let me avoid anything that may seem to savor of singularity 
or innovation; call and speak to my acquaintances as formerly, but avoid 
with the utmost care the subject of senatorial election and everything 
connected with it. If any other person introduces it, he must either be 
a real or a pretended friend. Hear him, therefore, with complacence, and 
even with a thankful air; avoid every wish or opinion of my own, 
especially of the negative kind, for everything of the sort will hazard 
my sincerity.

Should an election come on while I am in town, stay in my place during 
the time of it; and if it should be adverse, a thing I can scarce doubt 
of, immediately send in my resignation, as the appointment of another 
person must be considered as equivocal proof of my having lost the 
confidence of the State. For this purpose let my letter of resignation 
be ready, all to filling the date; and revise it while I am cool, for it 
is not unlikely that with so many eyes upon me I ,nay undergo some 
perturbation at the time.

Lastly, have my mare in readiness, and let the first day of my liberty 
be employed in my journey homeward. A determination of this kind is 
certainly right, for I have tried and feel my own insignificance and 
total inability to give the smallest check to the torrent which is 
pouring down on us. A system is daily developing itself which must 
gradually undermine and finally destroy our so much boasted equality, 
liberty, and republicanism — high wages, ample compensations, great 
salaries to every person connected with the Government of the United 
States. The desired effect is already produced; the frugal and 
parsimonious appointments of the individual States are held in contempt. 
Men of pride, ambition, talents, all press forward to exhibit their 
abilities on the theatre of the General Government. This, I think, may 
be termed grade first; and to a miracle it has succeeded.

The second grade or stage is to create and multiply officers {362} and 
appointments under the General Government by every possible means in the 
diplomacy, judiciary, and military. This is called giving the President 
a respectable patronage — a term, I confess, new to me in the present 
sense of it, which I take to mean neither more nor less than that the 
President should always have a number of lucrative places in his gift to 
reward those members of Congress who may promote his views or support 
his measures; more especially if by such conduct they should forfeit the 
esteem of their constituents. We talk of corruption in Great Britain. I 
pray we may not have occasion for complaints of a similar nature here. 
_Respice finem_ as to the third.