In the wake of the bombing, the media was abuzz with reports of a
Middle-Eastern connection. Reporters were reporting claims of Muslim
extremists, and talking heads were talking about a familiar modus operandi.
Then on April 21, less than 48 hours after the bombing, the FBI announced that
they had snared their elusive quarry, an angry white guy named Timothy James
McVeigh. The following day, the Bureau announced that they had captured angry
white guy number two: Terry Lynn Nichols.
The mainstream media, having their information spoon-fed to them by the
FBI, quickly launched into in-depth analysis of the two "prime suspects." All
other information quickly became buried in the great collective memory sink
hole. It was as if, with the "capture" of McVeigh and Nichols, all other
information became suddenly irrelevant and obsolete. The Justice Department
waved their magic wand, President Clinton winked at the Middle-Eastern
community, and all the world was set right again.
What remained hidden behind the official curtain of deceit however, were
scores of witness accounts, official statements, and expert opinions regarding
a Middle-Eastern connection. For 48 hours after the bombing, FBI officials and
terrorism experts poured forth their opinions and analyses:
Robert Heibel, a former FBI counter-terrorism expert, said the bombing
looked like the work of Middle East terrorists, possibly those connected with
the World Trade Center bombing.
Speaking on CNN, ATF director John Magaw said: "I think any time you
have this kind of damage, this kind of explosion, you have to look there
(Middle East terrorists) first."
"This was done with the attempt to inflict as many casualties as
possible," said terrorism expert Steven Emerson on CBS Evening News. "That is a
Middle Eastern trait and something that has been, generally, not carried out on
this soil until we were rudely awakened to it in 1993."
Former United States Representative Dave McCurdy of Oklahoma (former
Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee) told CBS News that there was
"very clear evidence of the involvement of fundamentalist Islamic terrorist
Former FBI counter-terrorism chief Oliver "Buck" Revell told CBS Evening
News, "I think it's most likely a Middle East terrorist. I think the modus
operandi is similar. They have used this approach."
Ex-CIA counter-terrorism director Vince Cannistraro told the
Washington Times, "Right now, it looks professional, and it's got the
marks of a Middle Eastern group."
Avi Lipkin, a former Israeli Defense Intelligence specialist on the
Prime Minister's staff, in Oklahoma City at the time of the bombing, told
investigator Craig Roberts, "this is a typical Arab Terrorist type
It was also reported the Israelis gave the Americans a "general warning"
concerning the bombing.
CBS News stated that the FBI had received claims of responsibility from
at least eight different organizations. Seven of the claimants were thought to
have Middle Eastern connections:
An FBI communiqué that was circulated Wednesday suggested that
the attack was carried out by the Islamic Jihad, an Iranian-backed Islamic
militant group, said a security professional in California who declined to be
named… the communiqué suggested the attack was made in retaliation
for the prosecution of Muslim fundamentalists in the bombing of the World Trade
Center in February, 1993, said the source, a non-government security
professional.… 'We are currently inclined to suspect the Islamic Jihad as
the likely group…'
James Fox, former head of the New York FBI office, told CBS News, "We
thought that we would hear from the religious zealots in the future, that they
would be a thorn in our side for years to come."
On July 2nd, shortly after Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman's surrender to U.S.
Immigration authorities, the Egyptian Jama a' Islamiya (the group implicated in
the World Trade Center bombing) issued a statement saying that if the Sheik was
prosecuted or extradited to Egypt, they would begin a world-wide terror
campaign against the United States.
On April 21, 1995, the London Telegraph reported: "Israeli
anti-terror experts believe the Oklahoma bombing and the 1993 World Trade
Center explosion are linked and that American investigators should focus on
The same day, the London Sunday Times carried a report that
suggested President Saddam Hussein of Iraq may have been involved in both the
World Trade Center and the Oklahoma City bombings:
Iraq was furious with America last week at its United Nations move to
foil efforts to overturn Gulf war economic sanctions… Ramzi Ahmed Yousef,
the recently-captured alleged mastermind of the 1993 attack on the World Trade
Center in New York, was directly funded by Baghdad, according to CIA and FBI
documents — and evidence so far developed about the latest bomb indicates
some similarities in the planning.
If those in Baghdad were angry over the brutal and relentless attack on
their country by U.S. forces during the Gulf War, they had additional reason
for anger when President Clinton launched a retaliatory raid against Iraqi
intelligence headquarters in Baghdad. The June 26 Cruise Missile strike was
directed against the complex after an alleged plot was uncovered to assassinate
former president, crook, and mass murderer George Bush during his recent visit
to Kuwait. The raid merely
destroyed some of the complex, and leveled about a dozen surrounding homes,
killing approximately six civilians. Syndicated columnist Charlie Reese called
it "high-tech terrorism."
The Net News Service reported the next day that the
government-backed Al-Thawra newspaper charged that Clinton had carried
out the attack only to bolster his "eroded popularity and credibility...
domestically." Both Al-Thawra and General Saber Abdul-Aziz Douri, head
of the Iraqi intelligence service, indicated that the Iraqi government had
vowed vengeance against the United States.
Backing up Douri's claims was former head of Iraqi military
intelligence, General Wafiq al-Sammara'i, who told the London
Independent that the June, 1996 bombing of the U.S. military housing
complex in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, which killed 19 servicemen, "strongly
resembled plans drawn up by a secret Iraqi committee on which he served after
the invasion of Kuwait. He says operations considered by Iraq, but not carried
out at that time due to shortage of reliable agents, included exploding large
bombs near buildings where American soldiers were living."
One month later, the Washington Post reported:
Early on July 6, Col. Mohammar Qaddafi of Libya issued a warning that
President Clinton and the United States had 'blundered' in the recent missile
attack on Baghdad, and that the United States should expect 'a lot more
terrorism' in the near future. Qaddafi spoke of increasingly violent and
spectacular acts to be perpetrated expressly for broadcast on the national and
Shortly after the bombing, KFOR, Channel 4 in Oklahoma City received a
call from the Nation of Islam, taking credit for the bombing. Interestingly,
the NOI has been directly funded by Libya.
The Post's Jack Anderson added that a direct attack against the
U.S. would be unlikely, and that counter-terrorist analysts feared that the
only viable avenue for Hussein's revenge would be through the use of terrorism.
"A preferable revenge for Iraq would involve having a 'surrogate terrorist'
carry out a domestic attack that Hussein could privately take credit for…
According to Dr. Laurie Mylroie, Ph.D., a Middle East expert at the
Center for Security Policy, and an authority on the World Trade Center bombing,
Iraqi agents such as Ramzi Yousef had infiltrated the original World Trade
Center cell, resulting in the construction of a more powerful, sophisticated
Dr. Mylroie noted that on September 27, 1994, as Iraqi troops tested
American resolve by preparing a new assault against Kuwait, Saddam Hussein
declared: "We will open the storehouses of the universe" against the United
States. Two days later, Babil — a newspaper in Iraq owned by
Saddam's son, Uday — amplified, saying: "Does the United States realize
the meaning of opening the stores of the world with the will of Iraqi
people?...Does it realize the meaning of every Iraqi becoming a missile that
can cross to countries and cities?"
Mylroie notes that there may be other Iraqi intelligence agents at large
in this country, known as "sleepers," waiting to carry out far more deadly acts
of revenge against the U.S. One such cell, planted by the Abu Nidal
organization, was discovered in 1986. Four of their Palestinian members were
arrested eight years later after one of them murdered the daughter of an FBI
On January 28, 1991, the Washington Post reported:
If Saddam is serious about terrorizing Americans at home, there are
several allies he could call on for help. The most dangerous terrorist
Organization in the world, the Abu Nidal organization, now based in Baghdad,
has a rudimentary infrastructure of about 50 people in the United States. All
of them, according to FBI sources, are under surveillance.…
"Among the terrorists who are taking or would take orders from Saddam,"
added the Post, "are Abu Ibrahim, a pioneer bomb maker who designed the
barometric pressure bomb that blew up Pan Am Flight 103, and Ahmed Jibril, who
masterminded the Pan Am bombing on a contract from Iran."
Ironically, U.S. interventions abroad have permitted the entry into
America of extremist and even terrorist organizations that have subsequently
gained footholds in ethnic communities across the country. Texas and Oklahoma,
in fact, are major centers of Islamic activities in the U.S.
Steven Emerson was quoted on CBS Evening News as saying, "Oklahoma City,
I can tell you, is probably considered one of the largest centers of Islamic
radical activity outside the Middle East."
Emerson chronicled the rise of radical Islam in America in a 1994 PBS
documentary which showed how fundamentalists had launched a recruiting campaign
across the mid- and southwest. An Oklahoma City meeting in 1988 was attended by
members of Hamas (Islamic Resistance Movement), Islamic Jihad (Holy War) and
the Muslim Brotherhood, each notorious for their sponsorship of terrorism. The
meeting was held only blocks from the Federal Building.
As Stephen Jones stated in his March 25th Writ of Mandamus:
The Murrah Building was chosen either because of lack of security (i.e.
it was a "soft target"), or because of available resources such as Iraqi POWs
who had been admitted into the United States were located in Oklahoma City, or
possibly because the location of the building was important to American
neo-Nazis such as those individuals who supported Richard Snell who was
executed in Arkansas on April 19, 1995.…
Secret workshops have reportedly been held in the U.S., where HizbAllah
and Hamas members have been taught bomb making techniques and small arms
practice. HizbAllah, the Iranian-sponsored and Syrian-backed "Party of God," is
believed to be behind a series of bombings in July of 1994 that took 117 lives
in Argentina, Panama, and Britain. HizbAllah is the same Lebanon-based
terrorist group that perpetrated the October 1983 bombing of the U.S. Marine
barracks in Beirut.
The most notorious U.S. terrorist cell was in Jersey City, led by Sheik
Omar Abdel-Rahman, the group responsible for plotting the destruction of the UN
building and the Holland Tunnel. Three of Rahman's followers were convicted for
bombing the World Trade Center. One of their leaders, El-Sayyid Nosair, spelled
out his plans to terrorize the United States: "We have to thoroughly demoralize
the enemies of God…. by means of destroying and blowing up the towers that
constitute the pillars of their civilization such as the tourist attractions
they are so proud of and the high buildings they are so proud of."
Another influential figure in Islamic radical circles — Sheik
Mohammad al-Asi, the religious leader of the Islamic Education Center in
Potomac, Maryland, was quoted on PBS as saying:
"If the Americans are placing their forces in the Persian Gulf, we
should be creating another war front for the Americans in the Muslim world
— and specifically where American interests are concentrated. In Egypt, in
Turkey, in the Indian subcontinent, just to mention a few. Strike against
American interests there."
While the Arab underground structure in the U.S. is generally based on
the PLO, not all of its members are Palestinian. Many may emigrate from Iran,
Iraq, Syria, Sudan, and Libya, the five nations most often connected with
terrorism. According to former Israeli intelligence officer William Northrop,
the original PLO structure shifted in 1991, after the PLO/Israeli peace process
began. As Northrop writes:
The Texas Cell is based in Houston and is supported by several
sub-cells, one of which is based in Oklahoma City. This Texas Cell was tied
into the World Trade Center bombing on 26 February 1993.
The Oklahoma City sub-cell originated with the Palestinian students who
were sent from various Arab countries to study Petroleum Engineering at OU in
Norman. (the current Deputy Petroleum Minister of Iran is an OU
Their members may also come from a broader philosophic milieu, and
unlike the PLO, have a wider range of targets, including not only Israel, but
secular regimes in Muslim countries and those states that support them.
Notes Middle East analyst James Phillips: "Because they are motivated by
apocalyptic zeal, and not sober political calculations, their choice of
possible targets is much wider and more indiscriminate than that of other
The goal of this new breed of terrorist was not aimed at influencing
U.S. or world opinion over the Palestinian issue, but to prove the strength of
the Muslim fundamentalist cause. As former Dallas Special Agent in Charge
Oliver "Buck" Revell said:
"...If you listen to what [the Islamic extremist terrorists] are really
saying, they're not just aimed at the Israelis, they are not just aimed at the
Jewish state. Their goals are completely and totally to eradicate any
opposition to Hamas and to Islam and to move against the United States
Obviously, these journalists and experts hadn't developed their theories
in a vacuum. The evidence was clear, and the warnings were imminent. Allan
Denhan wrote in ASP Newsletter that a Jordanian Intelligence official
had passed a "target list" to an American businessman two months prior to the
bombing, and the Murrah Building was on that list. Although this information is
unconfirmed, it makes perfect sense, since Jordan has a long-standing
intelligence relationship with the CIA.
In March of 1995, Israel's Shin Bet (General Security Services, Israel's
equivalent to the FBI), arrested approximately 10 Hamas terrorists in
Jerusalem, some of whom had recently returned from a trip to Ft. Lauderdale,
Florida. According to Northrop, interrogation of those suspects was thought to
have revealed information concerning the plot to bomb the Murrah Building. "The
Shin Bet filed a warning with the Legal Attaché (FBI) at the American
Embassy in Tel Aviv as a matter of course," wrote Northrop.
On April 20, the Israeli newspaper Yediot Arhonot wrote:
Yesterday, it was made known that over the last few days, U.S. law
enforcement agencies had received intelligence information originating in the
Middle East, warning of a large terrorist attack on U.S. soil. No alert was
sounded as a result of this information.
Northrop also said that the German Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND, the
equivalent of the American CIA), also sent a warning to the U.S. State
Department. That was followed by a warning from the Saudis. "A Saudi Major
General… informed former CIA Counterterrorism Chief Vince Cannistraro, who
in turn informed the FBI. There is a 302 (FBI report) in existence."
The agent Cannistraro passed the information to was Kevin L. Foust, one
of the FBI's leading counterterrorism agents. Ironically, the information was
given to Foust on the same day as the bombing.
According to the information obtained by Stephen Jones, the Saudi
Arabian Intelligence Service reported that Iraq had hired seven Pakistani
mercenaries — Afghani War veterans known as the Mujahadeen — to bomb
targets in the U.S., one of which was the Alfred P. Murrah Building. They also
advised the FBI that — as is often the case — the true identity of
the sponsor may not have been revealed to the bombers.
Interestingly, Northrop stated that three Israelis were in Oklahoma
before the April 19th attack to "keep an eye on things." Avi
Lipkin and William Northrop were two such individuals.
In addition to these warnings — as well as the mighty armada of
U.S. intelligence agencies, analysts, and surveillance technology which would
have undoubtedly been monitoring the situation — at least one local
informant tried to warn authorities in advance. His warnings went unheeded.
The Drug Connection Informant
After the bombing, Cary Gagan stepped forward to tell Jones that he had
been present at a meeting of bombing conspirators including Middle-Easterners,
Caucasians, and Hispanics which took place in Henderson, Nevada.
In depositions and interviews with Jones and in numerous interviews with
the author, the government informant and former drug courier described a number
of meetings at the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City. In 1980, the Soviets asked
Gagan to assist them in procuring military secrets from Dan Howard, a contact
of Gagan's who worked at Martin Marietta, a large defense contractor in
Waterton, Colorado. The Soviets had been watching Howard. Gagan was a friend.
He informed the FBI.
In June of 1986, the Soviets again asked Gagan's help — this time,
to assist illegal Iranian immigrants needing false IDs. The small-time hustler
and counterfeiter met his contact, a man named "Hamid" who worked at Stapleton
International Airport in Denver, and secretly recorded the conversation. He
turned the tapes over to FBI Agent Bill Maten, and Kenny Vasquez of the Denver
Police Intelligence Bureau.
The 51-year-old government informant supported himself by ferrying
Cocaine between Mexico and Colorado for Colombians posing as Mexicans, living
in Denver. It was through his association with these Colombians that Gagan met
"Omar" and "Ahmed," in Las Vegas in March of '94.
"They tried to first play themselves off as Colombians, " said Gagan
"but I knew they were Iranians… or Middle-Easterners. They were
multi-lingual, with big-time funding.
It was at this meeting that the drug dealer learned he was to transport
kilos of cocaine from Mexico to Denver. He informed DEA Agent Robert Todd
Gregory. "I told Gregory this dude looked like a banker to me. They had heavy
cash. They took care of me. They had all kinds of connections."
On May 16, 1994, Gagan met his new contacts at the Western Motel in Las
Vegas, where his brother worked as a pit-boss. There were eight men at the
meeting, five of whom were Middle Eastern, including Omar and Ahmed. "Two of
them didn't say a word," recalled Gagan, "but they looked like Colombians to me
— you know, Latin."
One of the Middle Easterners was from Oklahoma City. He appeared to be
the leader. The Eighth man was Terry Nichols. In a sworn deposition, Gagan told
Gagan: "I met with some Arabs, and in that group, and I did not
know it at the time, but in that group was Nichols."
Gagan: "Terry Nichols."
Gagan first recalled seeing Nichols in the parking lot of a bingo parlor
the men had stopped at. "He was wearing a plaid, short sleeve shirt and
dockers.… I remember going, 'That's kind of a dirty lookin' dude.' That's
all I said. I thought, you know, he didn't fit in the picture here. He looked
like a scientist."
The men snorted cocaine at the Western Motel and discussed their plans,
then drove to an apartment complex in Henderson called the Player's Club. It is
not known whom they met with. As far as Gagan knew, they were all there to
discuss drug dealing. It wasn't exactly clear what the Colombians were doing
with the Arabs.*
Gagan would soon find out though. Omar and Ahmed, who had been paying
Gagan with counterfeit money (mostly counterfeit Iranian $100 bills), wanted
him to take part in a plot to blow up a federal building in Denver, using a
mail truck packed with explosives.
"I was going to be part of it because I could move through… because
I'm Anglo and I'm a U.S. citizen and, you know, I wouldn't draw
attention.… I'm in and out of that federal building every day."
The truck, purchased from a government auction, was painted to resemble
a working mail truck. On January 14, 1995, Gagan picked up the truck at the
Metro Bar & Grill and drove it to the Mariott Hotel, just outside of
"Omar came out with me, showed me where the truck was, and said, 'Just
get in it and drive down I-70, and here's where you park it. And as soon as you
make the delivery, make this call….' And I gave the FBI the pay phone
number saying it was there. And I stayed in there and had a drink — in the
bar, and came walking out, and the sucker was gone."
Gagan says he talked to the FBI duty agent from a pay phone at 9th and
Logan for over 35 minutes. "I said 'Hey, I need you to tell what to do here.'
And they never called back."
In the back of the truck were approximately thirty duffel bags of
ammonium nitrate marked "U.S. mail," and boxes from Sandex Explosives [in Las
Vegas] marked "High Explosives."
Gagan boarded a bus and went home. He said the agents never showed
"Can you imagine if I'm driving this truck and it blows up in the city
of Denver?" said an incredulous Gagan.
Also in the back of the truck was a Lely farm mixer. Gagan recalls that
it was approximately four feet high, two feet across, and "shaped like a
Interestingly, this was the same description given by witness David
King. King, who was staying at the Dreamland Motel in Junction City —
where McVeigh stayed — saw a Ryder truck with a trailer attached to it in
the parking lot on April 17. Inside the trailer was an object secured by a
canvas tarp. "It was a squarish shape, and it came to a point on top," said
King. "It was about three or four feet high."
In June, Gagan discovered plastic explosives in an athletic bag packed
with cocaine he was to deliver to Denver. The bag, Omar said, was to be left at
the Postal Center, a shipping and receiving facility owned by George Colombo,
who also operated a Ryder truck leasing center across the street. A friend of
Gagan's, Colombo would occasionally let him stay at an apartment he maintained
when things got too heavy.
Things were definitely getting heavy for Gagan. When the casual cocaine
user decided to open the bag and help himself to a little "blow," he discovered
plastic explosives wrapped in brown paper. "And I'm thinking, 'Jesus, how the
hell did this get by the airport'? So I packed it up, and I'm thinking, 'I'm
going to the feds,' because you know… I'm a felon, this is C-4… I'm
going [down] forever."
Gagan asked Colombo to hold the bag for him. He then called the Denver
Police Intelligence Bureau and met them at a Burger King in Aurora. Gagan sat
in the unmarked car, as his friend Billy, a cab driver, watched from nearby.
"I said, 'Look, there's some C-4…' I'm feeling them out… I
give them some names, you know, what the deal was in Las Vegas. I tell them I'm
in contact with the DEA — Robert Gregory and all that. They don't say
anything. This is June, mid-June of '94. They say they'll get back to me."
Three weeks later, after contacting the FBI, the police called Gagan
back. "They tell me quote, 'Since you're the source of the information Gagan,
we're not going to investigate.'"
Gagan then called Gregory at the DEA. Gregory told Gagan, "Hey, we can't
take you on.'"
The informant claims he continually challenged the police and the FBI to
charge him if his information was false. "If all this was a big lie, they could
have charged me with lying, but they didn't."
While the FBI and the Denver Police were debating the merits of Gagan's
credibility, Omar picked up the bag from Colombo and left.
Three months later, in September, Gagan was approached by Omar and Ahmed
again. "They said 'It's going to involve terrorism, do you have a problem with
that?' I said 'no.' I asked them, 'What kind of money are we looking at?' They
said 'a quarter of a million dollars.' I said 'up front?' They said 'Yes.'
Gagan accepted the money, which he believes was paid out of the Cali
Cartel. "The FBI knew it," said Gagan. "They never got back to me."
Were Latin American drug dealers conspiring with Arab terrorists to blow
up the Federal Building? Said 25-year DEA veteran agent Mike Levine: "When you
consider terrorist actions like TWA 800 (or Oklahoma City), and you omit any
drug trafficking involvement, it's insane — it doesn't make any
sense…. You know you take for example two years or three years ago the La
Bianca plane that was blown out of the sky — it was attributed to drug
traffickers. I can think right off the top of my head of another case in
Colombia of a plane blown up with a lot of passengers to kill one person, and
probably many, many more."
Levine, a highly decorated DEA agent, and the DEA's former Argentine
Station Chief, told me that countries such as Bolivia, Paraguay, and Colombia
are full of Arabs doing business with Latinos, including drug dealing. "The
first thing you have to keep in mind is that drug trafficking is now a half a
trillion dollar business around the third-world," said Levine, "and it's mainly
a third-world business. The top drug traffickers around the world have more
power than presidents. The Mujahadeen for instance, which we supported, were
always top heroin smugglers. They were rated one, two and three by DEA as a
source, and they right now support every Muslim fundamentalist movement on the
face of the earth…."
The parallel may be more than speculative. Shortly after the bombing, on
May 8, Tulsa police veteran Craig Roberts received information from a law
enforcement source in Texas that "Juan Garcia Abrego was involved in the
bombing as a 'cash provider' for the event. The source said that Abrego had
sent two Mexican nationals to Oklahoma City with a satchel full of cash to
finance the bombing."
Abrego was a Mexican Mafia chieftain involved in the cocaine and heroin
trafficking through Mexico from Guadalajara to Texas. He allegedly was the
ground transportation link during the Iran-Contra/Mena affair.
This information was forwarded to both the FBI and the DEA who were
asked for each to check their files and/or computers, using various spellings,
to see if they had heard of such an individual. Neither replied back that they
had knowledge and no further action was taken.…
Considering the FBI's apparent lack of knowledge, is curious that Abrego
was at the top of the FBI's "Ten Most Wanted" list since March, a month before
the bombing and almost two months before Robert's original inquiry.
It seemed the FBI's lack of interest in Robert's information was
suspiciously similar to their lack of interest in Gagan's. What is also interesting is that their
first effort to discredit Gagan — a drug runner on the periphery of the
Iran-Contra drug network — coincided with the Iran-Contra affair becoming
"In my opinion, people were paid massive amounts of dope to carry this
thing out," said Gagan. The informant's belief that he was paid by the Cali
Cartel may be significant in light of Robert's information that Abrego funneled
money to the bombing conspirators.
Was the FBI's attempt to repudiate the Middle Eastern connection tied to
their refusal to look at the Abrego lead?
As Levine said: "The minute you start taking about terrorist actions,
and you eliminate drug trafficking, well, then… you're just not
credible… It's just very unrealistic to look at a situation — any
terrorist situation — and not look at a drug trafficking angle anymore. In
my opinion, and I think there's plenty of substantiation eventhough the
government won't talk about it, you can say, this vast ocean of money traveling
around the world — illegal untapped money — pays for an enormous
amount of terrorist activity."
If the Cali Cartel and Gagan's Arabs were connected, and in turn tied to
a tentacle of the Iran-Contra Octopus through Abrego, it's only natural that
the FBI — which played its own role in covering up Iran-Contra —
would tend to look the other way.
In spite of the FBI's apparent refusal to act on Gagan's information,
and their subsequent attempts to discredit him, on September 14, 1994, Gagan
was granted a Letter of Immunity by the U.S. Attorneys Office in Denver. The
immunity was arranged through Federal Public Defender Raymond Moore. (See Appendix)
The informant was told to stay with the group and report back to the
Bureau. On March 17, Gagan met with his Arab friends at the Hilton Inn South in
Greenwood Village, Colorado. On the table were the construction plans for
the Alfred P. Murrah Building, bearing the name J.W. Bateson Company of Dallas,
Still, Gagan alleges that federal agents didn't follow up on any of his
"I knew, when they did not contact me after the truck… when I was
moving explosives, I knew something was up. I knew. I figured from that point
on, without a doubt, they had a government agent in this ring. Because they
cannot let me do that type of stuff.
"And then, after the March 17th meeting, I waited for them to contact
me, because I just had a feeling that the dude that had come up [from Oklahoma
City] — the new guy on the scene there — was an agent. The way he
acted and talked… I just felt different than I did around the other
dudes.… That's just my personal feeling."
Did the feds ignore Gagan's warnings because they had their own agent in
the bombing cell and wanted to obtain more information to "sting" the bombers
later on? Gagan believes this is a possibility. Yet while Gagan had the option
of pulling out, he realized it would be too risky to suddenly disappear from
the scene. Omar and Ahmed were watching him.
On April 4, 1995, Omar pulled up at the Western Motel in Las Vegas,
where Gagan's brother worked. "Come on," said Omar to a somewhat startled
Gagan, "I want you to drive with me to Kingman."
The two men then drove to Arizona, where they delivered a package to a
man waiting on the corner of Northern and Sierra, wearing a cowboy hat and
driving a rusty brown pick-up. Could this mystery figure have been Steven
Garrett Colbern, who owned the brown pick-up seen stopped ahead of McVeigh when
he was pulled by Trooper Hanger over after the bombing? The description of the
man matched Colbern's height and build. But Gagan did not know who he was at
the time, or what was in the package.
On the way home, Gagan recalled Omar saying, "we're taking down a
building in two weeks."
On March 27 and 28, Gagan made over five calls to the U.S. Marshals
Office. None were ever returned. Agent Mark Holtslaw of the FBI's Domestic
Counter terrorism Squad, told me, "I can assure you that any info was
thoroughly checked out.… There are things that go on in the background
that the individual is not aware of." But, Holtslaw added, "there is no
statutory obligation to get back to an individual regarding our investigation
and its status."
Gagan doesn't buy Holtslaw's explanation. The FBI's procedures regarding
informants require that they be controlled and supervised. "How do you
investigate a thing if you don't contact me?" asked Gagan. "So they either had
another agent or another informant inside the group."
Gagan was getting nowhere with the Marshals, the U.S. Attorneys, and the
FBI. It was now less than two weeks before the bombing. On April 6, Gagan
drafted a letter and delivered it to Tina Rowe, head of the U.S. Marshals
Office in Denver. While Gagan waited outside, his cab driver friend dropped it
off. The letter read:
Dear Ms. Rowe:
After leaving Denver for what I thought would be for a long time, I
returned here last night because I have specific information that within two
weeks a federal building(s) is to be bombed in this area or nearby. The
previous requests I made for you to contact me, 25th & 28th of March 1995
were ignored by you, Mr. Allison and my friends at the FBI. I would not ignore
the specific request for you personally to contact me immediately regarding a
plot to blow-up a federal bldg. If the information is false request Mr. Allison
to charge me accordingly. If you and/or your office does not contact me as I so
request herein, I will never again contact any law enforcement agency, federal
or state, regarding those matters set out in the letter of immunity.
Call 832-4091 (Now)
Rowe did not respond. When she was confronted by KFOR-TV in Oklahoma
City, she said that she had never received Gagan's letter. (See Appendix)
Yet Gagan's friend gave New American editor Bill Jasper a signed
affidavit showing that he personally delivered the warning to the U.S.
According to Rowe, the point is moot, because the college graduate and
former public school teacher has a history of "psychological problems." It
seems that Gagan was sent to the Colorado State Mental Hospital in September of
1986 by Dr. Erwin Levy, at the behest of the feds.*
"That was because I wasn't cooperating with my attorney," he said,
referring to a 1986 theft case in Arapahoe County. "You tell somebody you're
involved in espionage with the Soviets, and that's what they do, send you down
to the James Bond ward."
According to Gagan, the Colorado State Mental Hospital's Dr. Green
pronounced Gagan sane, and he seemed level-headed when Representative Key and I
interviewed him in March of '97.
Others think the informant isn't reliable. A friend of Gagan's who's
known him for 30 years told me he thinks Gagan's "full of shit," and "not in
touch with reality."
Another, a Federal Public Defender who represented Gagan, told me, "Cary
has an encyclopedic memory, of events, places and times." She said that Gagan
was "bright [and] well-intentioned," although she added, "My gut sense is that
the pure facts may be right, but I sometimes questioned the legal significance
of some of it." Overall, she said she "liked" the informant.
Moreover, if Rowe's allegations regarding Gagan's credibility are valid,
why then did U.S. Attorney Henry Solano grant him a Letter of Immunity? If the
feds thought Gagan was incompetent, they had a full decade of experience with
him [as did the Denver Police] from which to establish his credibility or lack
"If I had a history of mental illness," explained Gagan, "they couldn't
take me on as an informant."
The feds' opinions may have stemmed from a 1983 incident where the
informant was blacklisted by the DEA due to allegations he provided false
information to the benefit of several drug dealers. Yet Gagan claims he
redeemed himself by obtaining sensitive DEA-6 files that had been stolen from
their office. Gagan said the DEA noted the informant's assistance on his
Then in 1986, while Gagan was in jail for insurance fraud, he was
visited by Kenny Vasquez, Bill Maten, and two FBI agents: Phillip Mann and
Stanley Miller. They offered to get him early release if he would work again as
an informant. Gagan declined. "They wanted to take me out of jail, and bring me
back at night," said Gagan. "I Didn't want any part of it."
In January of 1989, Agents Miller and Mann again asked Gagan to assist
them in a joint FBI/Customs counterintelligence sting operation known as
Operation Aspen Leaf. Their interest centered on one Edward Bodenzayer, a
Soviet spy whom Gagan had met in Puerto Vallerta in 1982. Bodenzayer had been
exporting classified technology to Russia through his import/export
Finally, on September 14, 1994, the Justice Department granted Gagan his
immunity. The agreement, printed on an official U.S. Justice Department
letterhead, read [in part]:
This letter is to memorialize the agreement between you and the United
States of America, by the undersigned Assistant United States Attorney. The
terms of this agreement are as follows:
1. You have contacted the U.S. Marshals Service on today's date
indicating that you have information concerning a conspiracy and/or attempt to
destroy United States court facilities in [redacted] and possibly other cities.
2. The United States agrees that any statement and/or information that
you provide relevant to this conspiracy/conspiracies or attempts will not be
used against you in any criminal proceeding. Further, the United States agrees
that no evidence derived from the information or statements provided by you
will be used in any way against you....
In spite of the sensitive nature of Gagan's information, and the Letter
of Immunity, "In the period of one year, from September 14, 1994, to the first
week of September, 1995," said Gagan, "not one agent recontacted me, not one
U.S. official of any kind recontacted me except [FBI SAC] Dave Shepard in
Naturally, the FBI denied any wrongdoing.
Assistant U.S. Attorney James Allison was quoted in the August 12, 1995
issue of the Rocky Mountain News as saying, "Why would I grant somebody
immunity and then not speak with him?"
When this author contacted Allison, he said, "I'm not going to discuss
who is or who isn't a federal informant."
Yet U.S. Attorney Henry Solano, Allison's boss, granted an interview
with Lawrence Myers of Media Bypass magazine, violating the informant's
confidentiality agreement, placing Gagan in danger. In the October, 1995 issue,
Myers printed Gagan's letter which had been hand delivered to U.S. Marshall
Tina Rowe. When Myers reprinted the letter — which was faxed to him by
Solano — "April 6" was changed to "April 1," a weekend, in an attempt to
show that Gagan couldn't possibly have delivered the warning. It is not clear
whether Solano or Myers changed the date.
Discharged from a mental hospital in 1980 with a personality disorder,
Myers was convicted of extortion in 1985 and was later asked by FBI Agent Steve
Brannon to work as an informant. Myers denied working for the FBI.
Yet in 1991 he showed up at the trial of Leroy Moody, working as an
"explosives expert" on behalf of the defense. Curiously, he then turned around
and fed confidential information to the FBI and the state prosecutor.
Interestingly, Myers claimed to have worked for the CIA in Central
America, apparently at the behest of Wackenhut, a CIA proprietary infamous for
gathering intelligence on U.S. citizens. Even more interestingly, he wrote
several books on explosives for Palladin Press, another CIA proprietary,
including Counterbomb, Smart Bombs, and Improved Radio Detonation
Techniques. One Myers title, called Spycomm, instructs readers on
the "dirty tricks of the trade" regarding "covert communication
Myers also showed up at ex-spook Charles Hayes' home in London, Kentucky
on the premise of writing a flattering story on the CIA agent turned
whistle-blower. Hayes subsequently wound up in jail on a murder conspiracy
charge — a charge he adamantly denies.
Hayes says he thinks that Myers was working for the government when he
came to Kentucky to write a flattering profile of Hayes for the magazine
Media Bypass, then privately told FBI agents that Hayes was looking for
someone to kill his son.
Were Solano and Myers part of a coordinated effort to discredit Gagan?
Said a private investigator and retired Army CID officer regarding Myers: "I
got the impression he was probably Counterintelligence… just by knowing
these parts. The people he mentioned — the people he knew — told me
that he was probably in the C.I.C. (Counterintelligence Corps) at one
Conetta Williamson, an investigator for the Tennessee Attorney General's
office, described Myers in court testimony as "a professional and pathological
Myers also wrote a piece about Federal Grand Juror Hoppy Heidelberg, the
only grand juror who dared question the government's line. In fact, Heidelberg
never consented to be interviewed by Myers, who had obtained the content of a
privileged attorney/client interview of Heidelberg surreptitiously. The
information was then crafted into an "interview" and published in Media
Bypass, ultimately resulting in Heidelberg's dismissal from the grand jury.
It seemed that Myers, using Media Bypass as a cover, had managed
to put a government whistle-blower in jail, discredit a federal informant who
had embarrassing information implicating the government in the bombing, and
cause the dismissal of a troublesome grand juror.
If the feds were so intent on discrediting their own informant, why had
they granted him a Letter of Immunity? Not only did Solano grant Gagan
immunity, but the informant had retained it for a full 17 months. If Gagan was
actually incompetent, why didn't Solano revoke the immunity instead of letting
Gagan continue working with terrorists?
"It doesn't make much sense does it?" said Gagan.
It appears that the Justice Department had granted Cary Gagan immunity
so they wouldn't look bad. After all, Gagan had already informed Dave Floyd at
the U.S. Marshals office in September about the meeting with Omar and Ahmed.
The cat was out of the bag.
Gagan believes he was granted the Letter of Immunity as part of a more
sinister scheme — a plan to allow him to proceed with the bombing plot
unhindered — at which point the Letter of Immunity was revoked.
"What if at that time I was told to go in and get immunity by the
terrorists, and somebody working with the terrorists… like the U.S.
Government?" said Gagan. "I can't get prosecuted, can I? [The terrorists] knew
that they would give me a Letter of Immunity and they knew that the FBI would
cut me loose. So what's that enable them to do? If there needs to be something
moved, and I'm the one that's moving it, I can't be prosecuted. I can haul as
much shit as I want, and I have immunity, as long as I call the FBI, and let
As a Florida police detective who's investigated connections between
Arab-Americans, the PLO, and the Cali Cartel told me, "Who has the best route
for getting something across? Drug dealers."
Was Cary Gagan part of some sinister plot by the feds? Or was he merely
used as a "mule," allowing the terrorists to move money, drugs, and explosives
while another government agent monitored the situation from within? Perhaps the
new man from Oklahoma City who appeared on the scene in March?
Was Cary Gagan a "throwaway?"
Recall that Gagan had transported a duffel-bag filled with C-4 and
cocaine, and had driven a truck laden with explosives across the state at the
behest of his terrorist friends. He claims the FBI did nothing to stop him.
"You got to understand something here," said Gagan. "Federal law
prohibits me from doing what I was doing. You cannot go out as an
informant — I'm not an agent — I cannot take drugs and explosives
from point A to point B…."
Yet it seems that permitting the informant to commit such illegal acts
would focus more light on the government's role — whether it involved
foreknowledge or an actual conspiracy — as Gagan began to go public with
his story. But Gagan, who believes he was scheduled to be "terminated" after
the bombing, disagrees. The informant displayed medical records showing that he
was badly beaten, and claims to have been the victim of a drive-by
Whatever the case, it is interesting to note that authorities alleged
that the bombing conspiracy began in September of 1994, the same month that
Gagan received his Letter of Immunity and began informing the FBI.
On April 10, four days after he delivered the warning letter to Tina
Rowe, Gagan received a note instructing him to appear at the law library of the
"I just gave the U.S. Marshals a bombing warning," said Gagan. "They
didn't call me back. I had to go somewhere to cover my ass. I came back, I got
a note saying, 'We need to see you; come to the U.S. Law Library.' I thought it
was the U.S. Marshals or the FBI."
When Gagan arrived at the law library, he met his contact: an "athletic
looking dude, 40s, short hair," dressed in a blue Nike cap and jumpsuit. "I get
there and say, 'Hey, you got the shit?' He said, 'Hey, we've got everything
taken care of. We need you to do this….'"
The man was not one of Gagan's Arab friends. "He was government," said
Gagan. "He was probably CIA."
The mysterious figure asked Gagan to drive a trailer to Junction City,
Kansas. In the trailer was the same Lely mixer that Gagan had driven to Golden
on January 14. This mixer — the one that was driven to the Mariott at the
behest of an Arab terrorist — was now on its way to Junction City at the
request of a government agent!
The date was now April 11, three days before Timothy McVeigh checked
into the Dreamland Motel in Junction City. As previously mentioned, David King,
who was staying at the Dreamland, recalled seeing a Ryder truck with a trailer
attached to it in the parking lot on April 17. The trailer contained a
"squarish object about three or four feet high that came to a point on top,"
secured by a canvas tarp. This was the exact description Gagan gave of the Lely
On April 13 Gagan drove to Oklahoma City, he said, to case the Murrah
Three days later, Gagan says he drove a van from Denver to Trinidad,
Colorado, that was picked up by Omar and Ahmed.
According to Gagan, it wasn't until three months after the
bombing, in July of '95, that Las Vegas FBI Agent Dave Shepard agreed to meet
him. "We're sitting in the car behind the Sahara, and Shepard tells me we're
not interested in pursuing the lead."*
That lead — was the two Arab suspects seen running from the Murrah
Building towards a late model brown Chevy pick-up minutes before the blast
— the same suspects that the FBI had issued an All Points Bulletin (APB)
for on April 19:
"…Middle-Eastern males 25-28 years of age, six feet tall, athletic
build, Dark hair and a beard — dark hair and a beard. Break."
"And these two Middle Eastern dudes that were seen running from the
scene — that's the same description I had given," said Gagan. "Gray in the
beard, you know — Omar and Ahmed — to the FBI… on September
Gagan had provided that information to the FBI six months before
the bombing. After the bombing, Gagan contacted Solano and said, "Isn't that
amazing. You know, these are the [same] two dudes.…"
In a letter to Gagan dated February 1, 1996, Solano and Allison wrote:
Attempts by federal law enforcement officers to meaningfully corroborate
information you have alleged to be true have been unsuccessful.... Therefore,
the immunity granted by the letter of September 14, 1994 is hereby
You are warned that any statement you make which would incriminate you
in illegal conduct, past, present or future can be used against you. You are no
longer protected by the immunity granted by letter on September 14, 1994.
Recall that after ATF informant Carol Howe had revealed that her
knowledge of the bombing plot was reported to federal authorities before
April 19, they tried to discredit her, claiming that she was "unstable,"
just as they had done with Gagan. While they revoked Gagan's Letter of
Immunity, they indicted Howe on spurious charges.
Howe also reported a subsequent bombing plot by neo-Nazi activists, but,
like Gagan's warnings both before and after the bombing, she claimed her calls
Interestingly, Howe was also told by her ATF handler, Angela
Finley-Graham, not to report her informant payments, and was led to believe
that her debriefings were not being taped when they were. Both are a violation
of C.I. (Confidential Informant) procedures. Was this a way to discredit Howe
in case they needed to distance themselves from her later, as they attempted to
do with Gagan?
One year later, Gagan filed a lawsuit alleging that numerous federal
officials had failed to uphold their agreement with him; failed to exercise
proper procedures in regards to the handling of an informant; failed to
investigate a terrorist conspiracy against the American people; failed to warn
the public; and failed to properly investigate the crime after it occurred.
It is not surprising that officials wouldn't take Gagan's warning
seriously. On December 5, 1988, a Palestinian named Samra Mahayoun warned
authorities in Helsinki that a Pan Am 747 leaving Frankfort was to bombed
within two weeks.
Two weeks later, on December 21, Pan Am flight 103 was blown out of the
skies by a terrorist's bomb. Two hundred and fifty-nine people plunged to their
deaths over Lockerbie, Scotland, and 11 more died on the ground.
State Department official Frank Moss later called Mahayoun's warning a
"goulish coincidence." Mahayoun, they claimed, was just not credible.*
Demonstrating the limits of absurdity the government will go to in order
to cover up its complicity and negligence, the U.S. Marshals Service was still
insisting — after 169 people lay dead in Oklahoma — that Cary Gagan
was still not credible.*
Yet this is not the first time the government has ignored viable
warnings. Prior to the World Trade Center bombing, the FBI's paid informant,
Emad Eli Salem, had penetrated Sheik Omar Abdel-Rahman's Jama a Islamiya and
had warned the FBI of their plans. The agent in charge of the case, John
Anticev, dismissed the former Egyptian Army Colonel's warnings, calling him
"unreliable." On February 26, 1993, a large bomb detonated underneath the twin
towers, killing six people and injuring 1,000 more.
At the same time as "unreliable" people like Cary Gagan were warning
federal authorities in Denver about the pending attack, The Star Ledger,
a Newark, New Jersey newspaper, was reporting:
U.S. law enforcement authorities have obtained information that Islamic
terrorists may be planning suicide attacks against federal courthouses and
government installations in the United States.
The attacks, it is feared, would be designed to attract worldwide press
attention through the murder of innocent victims. The Star Ledger has
learned that U.S. law enforcement officials have received a warning that a
"fatwa," a religious ruling similar to the death sentence targeting author
Salman Rushdie, has been issued against federal authorities as a result of an
incident during the trial last year of four persons in the bombing on the World
Trade Center in New York.
The disclosure was made in a confidential memorandum issued by the U.S.
Marshals Service in Washington calling for stepped-up security at federal
facilities throughout the nation….
According to the source, Iranian-supported extremists have made it clear
that steps are being taken to strike at the "Great Satan," a phrase that has
been used to describe the United States…
Even more strenuous security precautions are being taken in New York,
where 12 persons, including the blind fundamentalist Sheik Omar Abdel-Rahman,
are currently on trial on charges of conspiring to wage a war of urban
terrorism against the United States by blowing up the United Nations, FBI
headquarters and the tunnels between New York and New Jersey…
The memo, issued by Eduardo Gonzales, director of the U.S. Marshals
Service, warns that attacks may be designed to "target as many victims as
possible and draw as much media coverage as possible" to the fundamentalist
The terrorists, possible suicide bombers, will not engage in
negotiations," the memo warned, and said "once the press is on the scene, the
new plans call for blowing everyone up.
If that last statement is true, it could explain the presence of a box
of explosives found in the Murrah Building with a timer on it set for ten
minutes after nine. The initial bomb(s) blew up at two minutes after
The U.S. Marshal's Service — the federal agency charged with the
task of protecting federal facilities — had clear warning from at least
two different undercover informants. Why then was there no security at the
Murrah Building on April 19?
It was also reported that the Israelis, the Saudis, and the Kuwaitis all
warned the U.S. about an impending attack. Whatever the U.S. Marshals Service
felt about Cary Gagan's warning, Gonzales apparently felt his other sources
were reliable enough to issue a nation-wide alert. Perhaps that memo, like the
one issued by the FBI in 1963 to its field offices warning of an attempt on the
life of President Kennedy, just "disappeared."
A Trail of Witnesses
On April 19, Abraham Ahmed, a Jordanian, was detained by authorities as
a possible bombing suspect as he attempted to fly from Oklahoma City to Amman,
Jordan. American Airlines personnel observed Ahmed "acting nervous," prior to
his flight, and notified security personnel, who in turn notified the FBI.
Agents detained Ahmed in Chicago, where the Oklahoma City resident
explained that he was on his way to his father's wedding, and was scheduled to
return to the U.S. in July.
Yet Ahmed's story changes. He told reporters alternately that he had
gone back to Jordan: a) for a wedding, b) to build a house, c) to replace the
youngest son who had moved out, and d) to attend to a family emergency.
After being questioned for six hours, the FBI allowed Ahmed to continue
on his way. Yet he was detained in London the following day, where he was
questioned for another five hours, then handcuffed and put on the next plane
back to the U.S.
In the meantime, Ahmed's luggage continued on to Rome, where authorities
discovered a suitcase full of electronic equipment, including two car radios,
silicon, solder, shielded and unshielded wire, a small tool kit, and,
incredibly enough, a photo album with pictures of weapons and missiles!
Security sources at London's Heathrow Airport also said that a pair of blue
jogging suits and a timing device was found in one of his bags.
When asked what he was doing with these items, Ahmed explained that they
were for his relatives in Jordan, who could not obtain good-quality electrical
components. Ahmed also had a blue jogging suit similar to what a Middle-Eastern
suspect was wearing at the Murrah Building on the morning of the blast.
According to an account in the London Telegraph, Ahmed was reportedly in
Oklahoma City on Wednesday — the day of the bombing.
If Ahmed had been cleared by U.S. authorities for the worst domestic
terrorist attack in U.S. history, why did British authorities refuse to allow
him into the country? Did they know something the U.S. did not?
The Justice Department's Carl Stern downplayed the breakthrough saying
only, "There are a number of good, solid leads in this investigation."
Yet in FBI agent Henry Gibbons' affidavit, special mention was made of
the items in Ahmed's suitcase, and his coincidental April 19, 10:43 a.m.
departure time, and Gibbons stated he considered Ahmed's testimony in front of
the Federal Grand Jury vital.
One FBI source interviewed by KFOR's Jayna Davis admitted that he didn't
think Ahmed was telling the truth on a polygraph test. Yet Ahmed was simply
allowed to go on his way, and like so many other suspects and witnesses, was
never called before the grand jury.
Interestingly, the Middle Eastern community was apologized to by
President Clinton. This is very interesting coming from a president that failed
to apologize to Randy Weaver, the Branch Davidians, and the thousands of people
wrongly accused, imprisoned and murdered each year by U.S. law-enforcement
A possible explanation may be found in the bombing of Pan Am 103. In
February of 1989, a prime suspect in the case, Jordanian bomb maker Marwan
Kreeshat, admitted in a statement provided by Jordanian intelligence that he
had manufactured at least five highly sophisticated, powerful bombs for PFLP-GC
(Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command) leader Ahmed
Jibril, by cleverly concealing them in portable radios — the same type
which destroyed flight 103. Jordanian intelligence officials, who have
maintained a close, long-standing relationship with the CIA, admitted that the
Jordanian national was actually an undercover agent, and was also an asset of
Could this explain why the FBI released Ahmed?
Taylor Jesse Clear, a retired State Department Counter-Terrorism expert
who has studied the case, disagrees with this analysis. Clear believes that
Ahmed's conspicuously timed departure, complete with nervous act and a suitcase
full of electronic gear, was a diversion. "They wanted to inoculate the media
to the Arab connection," explained Clear. Letting Ahmed get caught with a
suitcase full of that stuff, then discovering he was innocent, inoculated
everybody to the Middle Eastern connection. Then they could come back, beat
their chests, and say, 'look what you did to the Arab community.'"*
Yet the brown Chevy pick-up seen speeding away from the Murrah Building
was traced to an Oklahoma City business run by a Palestinian, with possible PLO
ties. That man… is a good friend of Abraham Ahmed's. According to a
witness who worked for the Palestinian, Ahmed was seen driving the pick-up in
the weeks before the bombing.
Numerous witnesses also place McVeigh in Oklahoma City in the days
before the bombing with a friend of Ahmed's — an Iraqi — a man who
bares a strong resemblance to the mysterious, stoic passenger seen in the Ryder
truck by Mike Moroz on the morning of April 19 at Johnny's Tire Store.
KFOR reporters Brad Edwards and Jayna Davis broke the story on June 7,
1995 with a series of interviews with witnesses who saw McVeigh with the Iraqi,
first in a bar, then in a restaurant, then in a pawn shop.
One of the witnesses, a barmaid at the Roadrunner Tavern on South May
Avenue, saw McVeigh buying beer for the man on Saturday, April 15. "He was
dark, kind of muscular, he had on a ball cap," said the barmaid. "He talked
like they do over in Iran or Iraq, or whatever during Desert Storm, when you
would hear the way they talked on TV."
When Davis asked her how sure she was that the man they had been
tracking was the man she saw with McVeigh, she replied, "I'm sure."
The tavern owner also saw the Iraqi a few days after the bombing. He
picked him out from a group of photos. While the Iraqi claimed he was never in
any bar on NW 10th Street, a co-worker interviewed by KFOR said he had drank
with him at a bar on NW 10th and Indiana, and in fact he was arrested for
driving under the influence around the corner, at NW 8th and Blackwielder in
In another interview, three women who worked at a pawnshop stated that
McVeigh and two other men came into their shop twice: "…on April 14 and
again on April 17, just two days before the bombing."
"It had to have been McVeigh," said the pawn shop owner. "If it was not
McVeigh, it was his twin brother."
"They spoke in a foreign language," said one of the pawn shop employees.
"They huddled together and they all three spoke secretively to one another, and
it was a foreign language."
A restaurant owner down the street also remembered McVeigh and the
Iraqi. "[McVeigh acted] like a contractor coming in and buying his hand lunch,
that was the impression I had," recalled the proprietor.
As previously mentioned, restaurant worker Phyliss Kingsley recalled a
Ryder truck pulling into the Hi Way Grill at SW 104 and Portland on April 16.
Accompanying the truck was a white long-bed Chevy pick-up, and a darker
pick-up, possibly blue or brown. She recalls Timothy McVeigh strolling in and
ordering two "trucker burgers" and fries to go. Accompanying McVeigh was a
short, stocky man of about 5'2", either Mexican or American Indian (or Arabic)
descent, with black, curly hair. She said the man closely resembled the FBI
sketch of John Doe 2, but with slightly thinner features. Kingsley recalled
that the man spoke briefly with McVeigh.
Waitress Linda Kuhlman described him as having straighter hair and being
slightly taller. She described him as wearing green army fatigue pants and a
Kuhlman, who grew up around trucks and hot-rods, is positive that one of
the trucks was a Chevy long-bed, most likely an '87 model. When shown photos,
including the Iraqi and Michael Brescia, they came close to picking out the
Iraqi, but could not positively identify either man. The passenger in the Ryder
truck, they said, a man with longish wavy, permed-out brown or dirty blond hair
and glasses, never got out.
Dennis Jackson, a VA worker, recalled seeing two or three Arabic men in
the Murrah Building the following day, April 17. "There was a distinct air
about them," recalls Jackson. "We were working late that day, the office had
closed, and they were just kind of hanging around the Social Security office. I
thought that was kind of unusual… They might have been there for Social
Security, but I hardly think so."
Jackson's co-worker Craig Freeman recalled one of the men as a short,
stocky Arabic man, about 5' 2'', 150 pounds, wearing khaki military style
pants, combat boots and a white T-shirt — the same combination seen on the
Middle Eastern suspect described by Linda Kuhlman.
In a bizarre twist, a white Chevy pick-up showed up a Freeman's house
several days after the bombing. Freeman recalls a Caucasian looking man in the
truck, which was parked near his house on two consecutive days. "It was right
before and right after the FBI and OSBI (Oklahoma State Bureau of
Investigation) came and interviewed me," recalls Freeman. "I could tell this
guy was watching me because when I walked by, he sort of turned away and hid
his face. I'm a former Air Force Master Sergeant and a third degree black belt,
and I'm trained to be observant."
Could the man Freeman saw have been there to intimidate him?
The barmaid at the Road Runner Tavern also told KFOR's Brad Edwards that
after her interview aired, the Iraqi pulled up by the open back door of the
tavern and stared menacingly at her. What is interesting is that the Iraqi's
Palestinian boss owns a white pick up truck — a Nissan, however, not a
Chevy. Freeman and Linda Kuhlman are positive the truck they saw was a
Yet another witness to a post-bombing incident involving the Palestinian
claimed that he also was followed by the man, who was driving a white pick-up.
Back in Junction City, the manager of the Great Western Inn was watching
TV with two reporters when the sketch of John Doe 2 flashed on the screen. The
manager immediately recognized the man as the person who had stayed in room 107
on April 17. "He spoke broken English," said the manager. "[He] gave a foreign
name and was driving a Ryder truck."
The man's name would never be revealed, however, because the FBI
confiscated the hotel's log book.
Several months later, Newsweek reporter Leslie Jorgensen
uncovered information that several men had stayed at the Radisson Inn in
Oklahoma City the day before the bombing. The men were dressed in Arab garb,
but according to an employee, were not Arabs. At the same time, phone calls
were placed from the Radisson to one of Timothy McVeigh's friends — a man
in Idaho associated with the Aryan Republican Army.
A few days earlier, across town, two men had checked into the Plaza Inn.
They told desk clerk Tiffany Harper they were Spanish visitors from Mexico. But
Harper thought they were Arabs because of the way they talked.
According to employee Ruby Foos, another man checked into the motel a
day or two later, went to his room, then emerged wearing flowing Arab robes. As
far as Foos could tell, the man was not connected with the other two
While it may not be unusual for Arab-garbed individuals to be in
Oklahoma due to its connection with the oil industry, Douglas Boyer, the
security guard at the Plaza, said a yellow Ryder truck was parked out front.
All of the men checked out a day or two before the bombing.
Interestingly, two Middle Eastern men were spotted driving from Oklahoma
City to Dallas immediately after the bombing. The men stopped to ask directions
from an Oklahoma Highway Patrolman. When the officer ran their plate, he
discovered that it didn't match the vehicle. The plate belonged to a rented
blue Chevy Cavalier, which was later found at a motel in Oklahoma City. The
driver of that vehicle, Asad R. Siddiqy, a cab driver from Queens, along with
the other two men, Anis Siddiqy and Mohammed Chafi, were taken into
While the men were ultimately questioned and released, a blue Chevy
Cavalier would be spotted by a witness in downtown Oklahoma City — along
with a Ryder truck, a yellow Mercury, and a brown Chevy pick-up — the
other vehicles in the bombing convoy.
On the morning of the blast, a woman was riding the elevator in the
Murrah building, when she noticed a young Arab man wearing a backpack,
hurriedly pushing the buttons as if trying to get off. As previously mentioned,
she followed him outside, not suspecting anything was amiss. Moments later, she
was sent sprawling to the sidewalk as the building blew up behind her.
Gary Lewis, a pressman for the Journal Record newspaper, had just
stepped outside to smoke his pipe when he remembered he had left something in
his car. As he walked down the alley, a yellow Mercury peeled away from its
spot near the Murrah Building, jumped a concrete barricade, swerved to avoid
hitting a dumpster, then bore down on him, forcing him up onto the curb. Lewis
got a good look at the driver, describing him as one Timothy James McVeigh, and
his passenger as resembling the sketch of John Doe 2. He said the car had an
Oklahoma tag which was dangling by one bolt.
Several minutes later, Lewis was thrown to the floor as the Journal
Record building rocked with the impact of the blast. As he picked himself
up, another, more powerful explosion sent him sprawling again. As he and his
fellow workers rushed outside, he noticed a peculiar sight: an Arab man
standing nearby, staring at the Federal Building, grinning from ear to ear.
"It unnerved me," said Lewis, who described how the man seemed out of
place among the throng of battered and bloody people. He seemed "enraptured."
As discussed earlier, another witness saw two men running from the area
of the Federal Building toward a brown Chevy truck just prior to the blast. The
witness described the two men as "males, of possible Middle-Eastern descent,
approximately six feet tall, with athletic builds." One of the men was
described as approximately 25-28 years old, having dark hair and a beard. The
second person was described as 35-38 years old, with dark hair and a dark beard
with gray in it — the same description Cary Gagan gave. He was described
as wearing blue jogging pants, a black shirt, and a black jogging jacket. The
witness also described a third person in the pick-up.
Was this the same pick-up seen by Leonard Long and his daughter? Long
was driving east on 5th Street at approximately 8:00 a.m. when he was forced to
swerve out of the way by a erratically-driven brown pick-up with tinted
windows. As the truck pulled up alongside, the passenger, a stocky,
dark-skinned, dark-haired man began hurling racial epithets at the black
couple. Long said the driver was a tall, thin white man with sharp features, a
description not unsimilar to that given by James Linehan. The truck took the
I-35 exit and headed south.
Approximately 50 minutes later, as Margaret Hohmann and her friend Ann
Domin were pulling into a parking spot in front of the Murrah Building, a brown
pick-up peeled away from its parking spot, burning rubber as it tore down 5th
Street. "Where's the cops when you need them?" Hohmann thought to
A few blocks away from the Murrah Building, Debra Burdick and her
daughter were on the way to the doctor's office. As she stopped for a light at
10th and Robinson, she noticed three vehicles parked on the north side of the
street between a church and a garage. One was a brown pick-up, one was a blue
Chevy Cavalier, and the other was a yellow Mercury.
"I looked across," said Burdick, "and there was that light blue car, it
had a white interior, and there were three men in it. They were dark, but they
were not black… I would say they were Middle Easterners. There was a brown
pick-up, but I couldn't see in (because of the tinted windows), and behind it
was the yellow car with the cream top.
"Now, I noticed the three men in the car, that guy sitting in the middle
was kind of staring out…. I said 'Huh, I wonder what they're looking at?'
and as I turned around, I said 'there's nothing there but buildings.'"
A few moments later, the bomb(s) went off. Hohmann and Domin, who were
inside one of the Murrah Building's restrooms, were sent crashing to the floor.
At the same moment, Debra Burdick and her daughter went skidding to the side of
the road. When she looked back, the three vehicles were gone.
Five blocks south of the Murrah Building, at Robinson and Main, Kay H.
had just raced out of her office. As she stepped on to the meridian, she was
nearly run over as the brown pick-up came careening around the corner. The near
miss gave her an opportunity to get a good look at the occupants.
"The driver — I made eye contact with him," recalled Kay. "He
looked like he was in his twenties — late twenties. [He] had an angry look
on his face. I'll never forget the look on his face. It just was full of hate
and anger. It really struck me, because everyone else — people were coming
out and they looked scared and confused, and he just looked full of
Kay recalled that two of the three people in the truck were
Middle-Easterners. When she was shown photos, she picked out the Iraqi —
the same one seen with McVeigh — as the driver.
David Snider, the Bricktown worker who had spotted one of the Ryder
trucks that morning, ran outside after the bomb went off, and saw the brown
pick-up as it flew past. "They were doing about 60 mph," recalled Snider. "They
turned north and headed over the Walnut Street Bridge."
An all-points-bulletin (APB) was quickly put out on the pick-up:
Dispatcher: "Be on the lookout for a late model almost new
Chevrolet full-size pick-up — full size pickup brown pick-up. Will be
brown in color with tinted windows — brown in color with tinted windows.
Smoke colored bug deflector on the front of pick-up."
"…Middle-Eastern males 25-28 years of age, six feet tall, athletic
build, Dark hair and a beard — dark hair and a beard. Break."
Officer: "Ok, Is this good information, or do we not really
Dispatcher: "Authorization FBI."
Strangely, the FBI canceled the APB several hours later, refusing to say
why and demanding that it not be rebroadcast. When KPOC's David Hall asked the
FBI why they canceled it, they denied ever putting it out. But when Hall played
back his copy for the FBI man, he suddenly had "no comment."
Soon after, Brad Edwards received a tip that the pick-up had been seen
several times before the bombing at Sahara Properties (not its real name), a
real-estate business in northwest Oklahoma City. The owner of Sahara
Properties, an Israeli-born Palestinian named Sam Khalid (not his real name),
was the Iraqi's employer.*
Not long after KFOR's reports began airing, the Iraqi sued the station,
then held a press conference claiming that he was not a suspect in the bombing,
and that he had a solid alibi for the morning of April 19. His name was Hussain
al-Hussaini, and he was at work, he said, painting a garage on NW 31 Street.
Yet Alvin Devers, a neighbor interviewed by Davis, claimed no one was working
on the house that day. "I didn't see anybody," said Devers. "I'd
In addition, Hussaini's co-worker, Ernie Cranfield, said Hussaini's
alibi for the morning of April 19 — a time sheet stating he was at work at
8:08 a.m. — was patently false. Cranfield told Davis that Hussaini was
working at a different house by 10:00 a.m., six blocks away, but
wasn't there at 8:30 a.m.
"They was out there acting like they was painting on that garage all
morning," Cranfield told me. "They didn't know I was already there
Moreover, according to Cranfield, Sahara Properties doesn't use time
sheets: "They use a time clock. They started about five months ago — five,
six months ago… I've seem them clocking in every morning." Davis later
learned that Khalid's daughter Heather had concocted Hussaini's "time sheet" at
the request of her father.
Hussaini also claimed that he worked a second job as at the Western
Sizzlin restaurant — as a janitor, three days a week, from 10:00 p.m. to
8:00 a.m. — which would have kept him too busy to be at the Murrah
Building on April 19. Yet when Davis checked with Jeff Johnston, the assistant
manager, she was told Hussaini hadn't worked from April 17 through April
According to Khalid's secretary, none of Hussaini's Iraqi co-workers,
who started working for Khalid in November, showed up on the 17th. Was it
merely coincidental that Craig Freeman and Dennis Jackson saw a suspicious
group of Arab men in the Murrah Building on the afternoon of the 17th?
Interestingly, Hussain al-Hussaini reapplied for his job at the Western
Sizzlin in May, then quit in June, saying that he didn't need a job. Khalid's
secretary said that Hussaini also purchased a Cadillac after the bombing. Had
he suddenly come into a large amount of money?
When KFOR shared their evidence with the FBI, they downplayed their
findings. FBI spokesman Dan Vogel said that eyewitness accounts are
"notoriously inaccurate. Their credibility must be checked out, their stories
Yet KFOR was able to corroborate their story with at least eight
different witnesses. They not only placed McVeigh with Hussaini in at least
three different locations in Oklahoma City, they were able to trace the brown
pick-up to the business where Hussaini worked — to a businessman that had
been investigated by the FBI for PLO ties. They determined that Hussaini had a
tattoo exactly as described by the FBI, and that his alibi for the morning of
April 19 was patently false.
Strangely, the FBI decided to back up Hussaini's story, telling KFOR
that it might be difficult to place Hussaini near the Murrah Building on the
morning of the 19th. Apparently the government had not counted on a local TV
station stumbling onto Hussaini. After KFOR's story broke, a major damage
control apparatus went into motion. KWTV, KOCO, the Daily Oklahoman, and
the Oklahoma Gazette all ridiculed KFOR's reporting.
Interestingly, when Hussaini appeared before TV cameras on June 15 to
dispel the "rumors" about him, it was Abraham Ahmed who appeared as his
The Gazette and KOCO also both claimed that Hussaini couldn't
speak English, implying that he couldn't have been talking with McVeigh. Yet
KFOR learned that he spoke broken English, and a police D.U.I. report indicated
that he replied in English when questioned.
"The information quoted on Channel Four is not true," FBI Agent Jeffrey
Jenkins told the Daily Oklahoman. Though Jenkins later denied saying
that, he admits that "he cringed when he saw the KFOR report."
Perhaps Jenkins cringed when he saw Hussaini on TV because the news
station had, quite accidentally, uncovered the FBI's confidential informant.
Why else would the FBI act so patronizing towards KFOR, who had clearly
established a link between Hussaini and McVeigh?
The FBI wouldn't say if they had checked out Hussaini. Nor would they
clear him. They told KFOR that they were "not in the business of clearing
suspects." Yet, as Jayna Davis pointed out, they did clear numerous other John
Doe 2 suspects, including Robert Jacks, Gary Land, and Todd Bunting, the Army
private seen at Elliott's Body Shop. Interestingly, they then used the Bunting
incident to say that John Doe 2 had been a red herring all along. John Doe 2,
the FBI claimed, had never existed.
Just why would the FBI issue a blanket "no comment" on a suspect who was
seen by numerous witnesses with Timothy McVeigh, and was seen speeding away
from the bombing?
For his part, Hussaini claims he was an officer in Iraq's elite
Republican Guard, and was imprisoned for distributing anti-Saddam literature.
According to the Gazette's account, he was released after serving eight
years of a 13-year sentence.
But the story changes. According to KWTV, he escaped during a prison
uprising at the end of the war, and after searching for his family, he "ran to
American soldiers and asked for help." He was then interned in a Saudi refugee
camp, where he spent the next four years, until he was relocated to the U.S. in
The problem with this story is that U.S. forces didn't get within 200
miles of Baghdad, which means that if Hussaini "ran to American soldiers," he
would have had to run across several hundred miles of open dessert.
Yet according to his boss, Sam Khalid, Hussaini was never in the
Republican Guard at all. A Shíite Muslim, he was imprisoned for his
anti-Saddam beliefs, and forced to serve as cannon fodder on the front lines,
as the Republican Guard withdrew.
Yet the story changes once again. According to William Northrop,
Hussaini served in the Hammurabi Division of the Republican Guard, and "was
captured by the American 24th Mechanized Infantry Division in a fight on
Highway 8, west of Basra, a few days after the war ended." Northrop stated that
the Iraqis encountered the U.S. force, and, thinking it was merely a probe,
opened fire. The Iraqis were badly beaten in the ensuing firefight, and
Hussaini was wounded. He claims Hussaini was never in an Iraqi prison.
If Hussaini was trying to concoct a cover-story, he apparently wasn't
doing a very good job.According to Northrop:
This lad was no ordinary soldier. [He] came to the United States
around November of 1991. He triggered a "watch" on the Iraqi community in
Boston and shortly thereafter, moved to Oklahoma City. I understand that he is
currently residing in Houston.
Northrop also states that "Ramzi Ahmed Yousef (The 'mastermind' behind
the World Trade Center bombing) served in the Hammurabi Division of the
Republican Guard during the Gulf War.…"
While it is not known how accurate this information is, there is
evidence tying Yousef — a Pakistani Baluchi born in Kuwait — to Iraqi
intelligence. The Baluch, who are Sunni Moslems, oppose the clerical Shia
regime of Tehran, and had forged close links with Iraqi intelligence during
that country's 10-year war with Iran. According to Dr. Mylroie, Iraq used the
Baluch to carry out acts of terrorism against Iran.
Alias Abdul Basit Mahmud Abdul Karim, Yousef arrived in the United
States carrying an Iraqi passport.
Both Yousef and his partner in the World Trade Center bombing, Ahmed
Ajaj, worked for Edwards Pipeline Testing and Technical Welding Laboratories in
Houston, whose CEO is Maunal Bhajat, a close associate of Ishan Barbouti —
an international Iraqi arms dealer who built Libya's chemical weapons plant at
Ràbta. Barbouti's son Haidar (like Hussaini) also lives in Houston.
According to Louis Champon, who went into business with Haidar, "Haidar
Barbouti is an Iraqi agent."
It was Barbouti who financed Champon's Product Ingredient Technology
through his son Haidar. Wackenhut (a company with long-standing ties to the FBI
and CIA) provided the security. According to Champon, Barbouti (with perhaps a
little help from the secretive and mysterious Wackenhut) secretly drained
thousands of gallons of ferrocyanide — a naturally occurring Cherry
extract used to make cyanide gas — from Champon's plant.
Barbouti's ability to procure U.S. weapons technology for sale to Libya
and Iraq wasn't exactly hindered by U.S. officials. While the Bush
administration was publicly decrying Hussein's use of chemical weapons on the
Kurds, the potassium ferrocyanide was shipped to Iraq to manufacture chemical
weapons for Iraq's army, with the full knowledge and complicity of the Bush
Said Champon, "Not one U.S. agent — not one official, ever
questioned Haidar Barbouti — for evasion of taxes, where he got his money
from, his involvement… in shipping cyanide outside the P.I.T. plant…
nothing. I was told — and this is a quote from U.S. Customs [agent Martin
Schram] — "This matter is highly political. Haidar Barbouti cannot be
indicted, and if he were, he would never be convicted."
The key that allowed the Iraqi "businessman" (Barbouti doesn't like to
be called an arms dealer) to interface with the CIA was one Richard V. Secord,
an integral player in the Iran-Contra arms-for-drugs network. Secord, it should
be noted, was also a business partner of Vang Pao, the Laotian General who ran
a heroin smugging ring out of Long Tien Airbase during the Vietnam War, and
Monzer al-Kassar, the Syrian arms and drugs dealer who was involved in the Pan
Am 103 bombing — another crime that was successfully covered up by the CIA
and the FBI. According to Richard Babayan, a former CIA contract employee,
"Barbouti was placed in the hands of Secord by the CIA, and Secord called in
Wackenhut to handle security and travel for Barbouti and his export
Mike Johnston, the attorney who sued Barbouti on behalf of TK-7, an
Oklahoma City company, ran into the same sort of stonewalling by the Justice
Department. As Johnston was told by the federal team investigating this little
corner of Iraqgate, "Mr. Johnston, you don't understand, we have to limit the
objective of the investigation so we can get on with the business of running
"Going into the investigation… was a disguised whitewash," Johnston
later told me, echoing what U.S. Customs agent Martin Schram told Louis
Former CIA asset Charles Hayes said the CIA-connected Wackenhut was
helping Barbouti ship chemicals to Iraq, "Supplying Iraq was originally a good
idea," he maintains, "but then it got out of hand."
Said Champon, "I can assure you, that if drums of cyanide left our
plant, Dr. Barbouti had his reasons, either to be used against American troops
or terrorist acts against the United States at home." Cyanide is a necessary ingredient in
the development of nerve gas. One thousand grams of cyanide later wound up in
the World Trade Center bomb, constructed by Iraqi agent Ramzi Yousef.
Yousef's partner, Ahmed Ajaj, a member of the Egyptian-based Al-Gama'a
al-Islamiya, lived in Texas. A Texas hamburger stand was reportedly used to
relay telephone calls between the World Trade Center bombers as a means of
avoiding detection. It was owned by some Palestinian friends of Ajaj, and
Yousef and Ajaj used the number for conference calls while Ajaj was in prison.
The records may also indicate a tie between Ajaj and Hussaini's boss,
Sam Khalid. Records obtained during TK-7's civil suit against Ishan Barbouti
show a phone call to one of Khalid's properties in Houston. The person who made
call was Ahmed Ajaj.
Yet Barbouti wasn't just trying to procure material and technology from
U.S. companies on behalf of Iraq. Barbouti also built the bunkers used to house
Saddam Hussein's Mig jet fighters during Desert Storm. It was during TK-7's
suit against Barbouti that the Americans learned of these bunkers. Barbouti's
London head of Security, Tony Davisson, decided to sell the Americans the
blueprints. It isn't clear whether Davisson had a falling out with Barbouti, or
was simply being patriotic. The point may be moot, as Barbouti was apparently
dead. The Iraqi arms dealer died (or faked his death) around the same time the
Israeli Mossad knocked off his contemporary, Gerald Bull, the developer of the
ill-fated Iraqi "Super-Gun."
Davisson called TK-7's attorney, Mike Johnston, who flew to London,
where he purchased the plans for $2,700, and promptly turned them over to the
CIA. With the plans for Saddam's underground bunkers, the U.S. Airforce was
able to practically wipe out Iraq's entire fleet of Mig fighter jets at the
start of the war.
This didn't exactly make Saddam happy. In the parlance of the Arab
world, this equated to pay-back time. If Hussein thought Barbouti was
responsible for the destruction of his air force, he may have insisted the arms
dealer cooperate in an act of revenge against the United States.
Yet the destruction of the Hussein's air force wasn't the only motive
Iraq had for seeking revenge against the U.S. While Americans were busy tying
yellow ribbons on their front porches for our boys in the Gulf, these same
brave boys were slaughtering enemy soldiers and helpless civilians by the
thousands. As reported by Mike Erlich of the Military Counseling Network at the
March-April, 1991 European Parliament hearings on the Gulf War:
…hundreds, possibly thousands, of Iraqi soldiers began walking
toward the U.S. position unarmed, with their arms raised in an attempt to
surrender. However, the orders for this unit were not to take any
The commander of the unit began the firing by shooting an anti-tank
missile through one of the Iraqi soldiers. This is a missile designed to
destroy tanks, but it was used against one man.
At that point, everybody in the unit began shooting. Quite simply, it
was a slaughter.
The government-controlled sanitized media campaign beamed into our
living rooms, replete with scenes of high-tech "smart-bombs" whistling through
the windows of enemy command centers, merely belied the terrible and deliberate
carnage inflicted upon thousands of helpless civilians.
On February 13, 1991, a U.S. Air Force Stealth Bomber dropped two
1,000-pound, laser-guided bombs onto the roof of the Al-Amira air raid shelter
in Baghdad. Two hundred and ninety four people — mostly women and children
— died in what the U.S. military called a "military surgical strike."
According to William Blum, author of Killing Hope: U.S. Military and
CIA Interventions Since World War II, the bombing of the Al-Amira air raid
shelter wasn't accidental, it was deliberate:
The United States said it thought that the shelter was for VIPs, which
it had been at one time, and claimed that it was also being used as a military
communications center, but neighborhood residents insisted that the constant
aerial surveillance overhead had to observe the daily flow of women and
children into the shelter. Western reporters said they could find no signs of
An American journalist in Jordan who viewed unedited videotape footage
of the disaster, which the American public never saw, wrote:
They showed scenes of incredible carnage. Nearly all the bodies were
charred into blackness; in some cases the heat had been so great that entire
limbs were burned off.… Rescue workers collapsed in grief, dropping
corpses; some rescuers vomited from the stench of the still-smoldering
Said White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater after the bombing of the
shelter: It was "a military target… We don't know why civilians were at
this location, but we do know that Saddam Hussein does not share our value for
the sanctity of life."
This so-called "value for the sanctity for life" shown by American
forces and lauded by the Bush administration, included not only attacks such as
the one at Al-Amira, but the bombing and strafing of unarmed civilians who
tried to flee to the Jordanian border.
Buses, taxis, and private cars were repeatedly assaulted, literally
without mercy, by rockets, cluster bombs and machine guns; usually in broad
daylight, the targets clearly civilian, with luggage piled on top, with no
military vehicles or structures anywhere to be seen, surrounded by open desert,
the attacking planes flying extremely close to the ground… busloads of
passengers incinerated, and when people left the vehicles and fled for their
lives, planes often swooped down upon them firing away.…
"You're killing us!" cried a Jordanian taxi driver to an American
reporter. "You're shooting us everywhere we move! Whenever they see a car or
truck, the planes dive out of the sky and chase us. They don't care who we are
or what we are. They just shoot." His cry was repeated by hundreds of
Mike Ange, a GI from North Carolina, described the carnage:
I actually went up close and examined two of the vehicles that basically
looked like refugees maybe trying to get out of the area. You know, you had
like a little Toyota pick-up truck that was loaded down with the furniture and
the suitcases and rugs and the pet cat and that type of thing, all over the
back of the this truck, and those trucks were taken out just like the military
"The U.S. military considers the murdering of our children nothing more
than 'collateral damage," said Al Kaissy, an information officer at the Iraqi
Interests section of the Algerian Embassy in Washington. "They have never
apologized or even admitted their mistake."
At the same time, the American public, fed a daily dose of propaganda
generated in Pentagon media briefing rooms, could not understand how terrorists
could bomb a civilian building in the heartland of America.
While the estimate of Iraqi forces killed runs as high as 250,000, the
actual number of Iraqis killed, including civilians, runs much higher. American
planes deliberately destroyed Iraq's power plants, its sewage systems, and its
hospitals. The economic embargo severely compounded the situation, forcing an
entire population to struggle amidst massive epidemics of starvation and
disease. Their infrastructure decimated, without sanitation, food and medical
supplies, hundreds of thousands of civilians suffered horrible, lingering
deaths — all caused by the U.S. military, the greed of Big Oil, and their
life-long friend, George Herbert Walker Bush.
The people of Baghdad have turned the rubble of the Al-Amira air raid
shelter into a shrine, complete with mementos and pictures of the children who
In Oklahoma City, victims placed mementos of their dead relatives on a
chain-link fence surrounding the remains of the Alfred P. Murrah Building and
asked, "Who could do such a thing? Who could kill innocent civilians?"
While the World Trade Center and Oklahoma City bombings may have been
the result of Iraqi revenge, what ultimately lay behind the New York and
Daharan bombings appeared to stem from a broader-based alliance of Islamic
militants from Iraq, Iran, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and other countries
committed to the expulsion of U.S. troops from the region and an all-out attack
on the "Great Satan."
It has been reported that groups ranging from the Palestinian-based
Islamic Jihad, Hamas, the Sudanese National Islamic Front, the Pakistan-based
al-Fuqra, and groups funded by Saudi Arabian Osama bin-Laden were involved in
the World Trade Center bombing and related plots.
In fact, as early as 1990, World Trade Center conspirators El-Sayyid
Nossair, Mahmud Abouhalima, and al-Fuqra member Clement Rodney Hampton-El (an
American Black Muslim) had met in New York City with Sheik Abd-al-Aziz Awadah,
who is alleged to have been a senior commander engaged in the coordination of
terrorist operations with Iranian, Palestanian, and Hizbollah leaders.
Such alliances were also reflected in a major terrorist conference held
in Tehran in 1993, where it was decided the terrorists' war against the U.S.
would include "targeting buildings for bomb spectaculars."
Another major terrorist conference was held in Tehran on June 20-23,
1996, during which it was announced that there would be increased attacks
against U.S. interests. Two days later, on June 25, the military housing
complex in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, was bombed, claiming the lives of 19
servicemen. The Movement for Islamic Change, which had already claimed credit
for the Riyadh bombing, took credit.
This was followed by another terrorist conference at the Northwest
Frontier Province town of Konli, near the Afghani border in Pakistan on July
10-15, 1996. The meeting saw some of the most important militant Islamic
leaders come together under one tent. They included Osama bin Ladin, a Saudi
Arabian who funded the Mujahadeen, was implicated in the Riyadh and Dhahran
bombings, and was a close associate of Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, Ahmed Jibril of
the PFLP-GC (who carried out the Pan Am 103 bombing on orders from Teheran),
Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, a senior representative of Iranian intelligence, senior
Pakistani intelligence officers, and senior commanders of Hamas, HizbAllah, and
other groups. All resolved to use whatever force was necessary to oust all
foreign forces stationed on Islamic holy land.
One Arab observer with direct knowledge of the conference said the
participants' resolution was "a virtual declaration of relentless war" on the
U.S.-led West. A glimpse of
that conference can be seen in Defense and Foreign Affairs:
Rasul Sayyaf stated that "the time to settle accounts has arrived." The
senior representative of Iranian intelligence declared that "attack is the best
means of defense." He urged a combined offensive, both in the Muslim world,
particularly the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula, and at the heart of the
West. He repeated Iran's commitment to the cause and reiterated Tehran's
willingness to provide the Islamists with all possible aid.
Another commander concurred, adding that "there is an imperative need
for an integrated plan to deal a fatal blow to the international forces of
arrogance." A UK-based commander from a Persian Gulf state stressed that given
the immense strategic importance of the Persian Gulf to the U.S. and its
allies, the only way to compel the West to withdraw was through the infliction
of so much pain on these countries, that their governments would find it
impossible to tolerate the public outcry and be compelled to withdraw as the
only way to stop the Islamist terrorism at home.
On July 16, one day after the Konli conference, the U.S. Senate passed
sanctions against Iran and Libya. With their continued sanctions against the
innocent civilians of Iraq, and now Iran, the U.S. was building to a
confrontation with the militant Islamic community. As Ronald W. Lewis wrote in
the November, 1996 edition of Air Forces Monthly:
On the following day (after the Konli conference), July 17, the Movement
for Islamic Change sent a chilling fax to the London-based Arab newspaper
al-Hayat, warning: "The world will be astonished and amazed at the time
and place chosen by the Mujahadeen. The Mujahadeen will deliver the harshest
reply to the threats of the foolish American president. Everyone will be
surprised by the volume, choice of place and timing of the Mujahadeen's answer,
and invaders must prepare to depart alive or dead, for their time is morning
and morning is near." That fax, and a warning by Israeli intelligence that Iran
was likely to launch an attack against a U.S. aircraft, were ignored.
At 8:31:10 p.m. (0031:10 GMT) that evening, nobody could dismiss the
horrendous explosion of TWA Flight 800 off the coast of Long Island, New York.
Attack number three had just been carried out.
That excerpt appeared in a U.S. military newspaper. But Lewis wasn't the
only observer cognizant of these facts. As Dr. Laurie Mylroie noted regarding
the July 17 attack on TWA flight 800, it occurred precisely on Iraqi national
day. The day of the bombing, Saddam Hussein had made his own threats, telling
the U.S. that they would be unable to avoid "the sweeping flood and flaming
fire that is burning under their feet.…"
The bombing of the World Trade Center occurred on the second anniversary
of Iraq's surrender to coalition forces in the Gulf.
While reports from the State Department and such institutions as the
Heritage Foundation decry the use of Arab state-sponsored terrorism against the
West, the truth is that the West — and especially the U.S. — has been
exporting terrorism in the form of economic sanctions, assassinations, coups,
death-squads, and covert/overt wars in almost every part of the world since the
beginning of the century.
To the Muslim world, and especially terrorist groups such as the PLO,
Islamic Jihad, Hizbollah, and Hamas, the U.S. assault on its ally Iraq
represented a turning point in Islam's struggle against the West. The Gulf War
marked the first time the United States had used an all-out, full-scale
military assault on an Arab country, with devastating results.
Under the influence of religious figures such as Sheik Omar Rahman, the
Mujahadeen (the Afghani freedom fighters who had been trained by the CIA) and
their allies became staunch opponents of the United States. Thousands of
Muslims from almost 40 countries flocked to Afghanistan and Pakistan during the
war, and thousands remain there, training for the day when Islam will rise up
in its final great Jihad against the West.
To these groups, the Gulf War marked the signal for a new escalation in
their war against the U.S. The bombing of the World Trade Center, the Federal
Building in Oklahoma, the Al-Khubar military complex in Daharan, and possibly
the shootdown of TWA 800, were all expressions of this rage against the United
On January 25, 1993, less than one month before the World Trade Center
attack, Mir Aimal Kansi, a Pakistani, vented his rage by opening fire with an
AK-47 outside CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia. Two CIA employees were
killed and three others were wounded. Like Ramzi Yousef, Kansi was a native
Baluchi. He was involved with the Pashtun Students Organization, the student
wing of Mahmood Khan Achakzai's Pakhtoon Khwa Awami Milli Party, which claimed
the CIA's sudden pull-out of Afghanistan resulted in millions of deaths at the
hands of the Soviets. Kansi claimed the CIA had betrayed his father.
Yousef himself spent considerable time in Baluchistan. Located in
western Pakistan, Baluchistan is a nexus for the Muslim Jihad, and a major arms
and drug network. Pakistan has served not only as a training center for the
Mujahadeen, but a haven for Philippine terrorist groups such as Abu Sayyaf and
the Moro Liberation Front, who have used the free-flowing Pakistani arms and
drugs nexus in an effort to promote and finance their activities.
Support in the form of arms and drugs flowed from Pakistan and
Afghanistan to militant Islamic groups around the world, aided by the CIA,
rogue intelligence officers, and senior U.S. officials in for their piece of
the action — just as Oliver North's "Enterprise" would do with the Contras
in Nicaragua. In fact, many of the same individuals were involved.
Yousef next showed up in the Philippines with a Libyan missionary named
Mohaimen abu Bakr, leader of the Libyan Mullah Forces. It was there that he
joined forces with an Afghani named Wali Khan Amin Shah and his old friend from
Kuwait, Abdul Hakim Murad. They were there to train the Abu Sayyaf.
Headquartered on the Philippine island of Mindanao, the 400-member
strong Abu Sayyaf has conducted over 10 major terrorist attacks in the last six
years in its bid for autonomy, and is strongly allied with other Islamic
revolutionary groups, such the Philippine-based Moro Liberation Front. Abu
Sayyaf's funding and support comes from high-profile Islamic leaders such as
Libyan President Muammar Qaddafi, and wealthy Islamic financiers such as Tariq
Jana, a Pakistani businessman, and Osama bin Laden.
Considered by the State Department to be one of the world's preeminent
sponsors of Islamic radicalism, bin Laden's threats to wage Jihad on Americans
in the Middle East immediately preceded the November, 1995 blast at a U.S.
military facility in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in which five Americans and two
Indians were killed. Eight months later, a massive truck-bomb killed 19
servicemen and injured 400 at Dhahran.
In a March, 1997 interview with the London Independent
from his Afghani hideout, bin Laden warned of additional measures against
U.S. forces in Saudi Arabia, and said he had obtained the support of thousands
Readers will also recall that General Wafiq al-Sammara'i, the former
head of Iraqi military intelligence, told the London Independent
a year earlier that the 1996 Dhahran bombing "strongly resembled plans drawn up
by a secret Iraqi committee on which he served after the invasion of
Not surprisingly, in February of 1995, U.S. authorities named bin Laden
and his brother-in-law, Mohammad Jamal Khalifa among 172 unindicted
co-conspirators in the World Trade Center bombing and related plots to blow up
New York City landmarks, including the Javitz Federal Building and the United
Nations. Those plots were strongly linked to Iraq.
Khalifa also ran an Islamic center in the Philippines linked to similar
organizations in countries such as Iraq and Jordan. Given Abu Sayyaf's close
ties with bin Laden, Khalifa, and their connections with the Mujahadeen, it is
only natural that Ramzi Yousef, a Pakistani who is considered an Iraqi agent,
would be involved with the group.
Abu Sayyaf's former military strategist, Edwin Angeles, who surrendered
to Philippine authorities in February of '96, admitted that the Abu Sayyaf was
in fact linked to Yousef and Murad — both of whom recently went on trial
in New York for their role in "Project Bojinka" — a dramatic plan to blow
up 12 U.S. airliners in a single day. The plot was foiled when police raided
Yousef's Manila apartment on January 6, 1995, after a fire caused by the pair
mixing bomb-making chemicals in a sink. While Murad was captured, Yousef
escaped, making his way to Pakistan, where he was captured by police in
Nine of his accomplices — six of them Iraqis — were rounded up
one year later along with plastic explosives, blasting caps, detonating cords,
time fuses, and fake passports. The terrorists, including a Sudanese and two
Saudis, were part of a plot to bomb various Western targets and assassinate
Pope John Paul II during his January, 1995 Philippine visit.
Before his capture however, Yousef, an engineering graduate of Britain's
Swansea University, had time to try out his new bomb — an experimental
form of nitroglycerin. The small test-bomb, taped under a seat on Philippine
Air flight 434, killed one Japanese tourist and injured 10 others. Before the
explosion, Yousef had safely departed the plane in Cebu City.
Another temporary resident of Cebu City was Terry Nichols. As discussed,
Nichols had moved to Cebu City with his new wife, Marife Torres, a mail-order
bride whom he met there in November of 1989. After trying life in Michigan and
Nevada, the couple moved back to Cebu City in early 1993, where they lived for
a short time.
According to Nichols' ex-wife Lana Padilla, her former husband had
traveled to the Philippines about four times a year since meeting Marife.
Although some of the visits were to see his new bride and make arrangements for
her entry into the U.S., he occasionally traveled alone.*
"Sometimes he went when Marife was in Kansas," wrote Padilla. "It didn't
make sense, but I never asked why."
Nichols told Padilla he was traveling to Cebu City to meet "potential
business partners." The Michigan farmer was making the multi-thousand dollar
trips, he said, to bring back little paper "butterflies" — curious
merchandise for a man intent on setting himself up in the military surplus
It is also curious why Nichols carried two stun-guns on his last trip,
why he left $20,000 taped behind a drawer for his son, and a note to McVeigh
telling him "You're on your own," and "go for it!" in case he didn't come back,
and why his son cried, "I'm never going to see my Dad again…."
Perhaps Nichols had reason to worry. According to FBI 302 reports and
investigations conducted by McVeigh's defense team, Abu Sayyaf leader Edwin
Angeles spoke of a terrorist meeting in the vicinity of the Del Monte labeling
factory in Davao, on the Island of Mindanao, in late 1992 or early '93. It was
there, Angeles said, that Ramzi Yousef, Abdul Hakim Murad, Wali Khan Amin Shah,
and several others discussed the Oklahoma City bombing plot.*
One of the men at the meeting, recalled Angeles, introduced himself as
When the "farmer" returned home from his last visit to the Philippines
on January 16, 1995, and discovered that Padilla had opened the mysterious
package and read the contents, he turned "white as a ghost."
On April 19, 1995, Abdul Hakim Murad was sitting in his New York jail
cell when the word went out that the Oklahoma City Federal Building had been
bombed. Murad casually admitted to a prison guard that the Liberation Army of
the Philippines — a group connected to Abu Sayyaf — was
Abu Sayyaf leader Edwin Angeles later corrected Murad for the record:
"It was the Palestine Liberation Army and/or the Islamic Jihad which Murad was
referring to," he said. "This army is associated with Hamas and based in
However, given the fact that Saudi intelligence informed the FBI that
Iraq had hired Pakistanis who might not have known they were operating on
behalf of Iraq, it is highly possible that Murad (a Pakistani) and Angeles were
unaware of their true sponsor. As the Washington Post's Jack Anderson
reported in 1991: "A preferable revenge for Iraq would involve having a
'surrogate terrorist' carry out a domestic attack that Hussein could privately
take credit for…."
As Stephen Jones wrote in his March 25th Petition for Writ of
This terrorist attack was "contracted out" to persons whose organization
and ideology was friendly to policies of the foreign power and included dislike
and hatred of the United States government itself, and possibly included was a
desire for revenge against the United States, with possible anti-black and
anti-Semitic overtones. Because Iraq had tried a similar approach in 1990, but
had been thwarted by Syrian intelligence information given to the United
States, this time the information was passed through an Iraqi intelligence base
in the Philippines.
The sighting of Terry Nichols with Islamic terrorists in the Philippines
dovetails with Cary Gagan's sighting of Nichols with his "Iranian" friends
— Omar and Ahmed — in Henderson, Nevada. Gagan recalled how Nichols
looked "out-of-place" among his Arab comrades at the May '94 meeting.
Was Terry Nichols associated with World Trade Center bomber Ramzi
Yousef, a reputed Iraqi agent? Was Timothy McVeigh associated with Hussain
al-Hussaini, a former Iraqi soldier? Were Yousef and Hussaini part of a
terrorist network set up by Iraq to infiltrate the United States?
On January 28, 1991, the Washington Post reported that an Iraqi
terrorist network was being sponsored and planned by Saddam Hussein. The
article stated in part:
Highly classified US intelligence reports say that the United States has
received information that Saddam has already dispatched more than 100
terrorists, both experienced and novice, to try to infiltrate the United
States. One report, quoting sources inside Iraq, cites a specific number of
terrorists — 160 — who have been sent off with missions in
That coincides with reports that at least two and possibly as many as
four Iraqi diplomats in their embassy in Washington were monitored as they
attempted to set up terrorist cells in the capital and elsewhere in the United
…A recent intelligence report says that Saddam has deposited money
in several Swiss bank accounts that will automatically be paid out to
terrorists no matter what happens to Saddam… Iraqis living in the United
States who support Saddam strongly enough to resort to violence would probably
be used to provide bank accounts, safe houses and materials for the experts who
sneak into the country.
According to Northrop, information from a London banker "Sayanin"
(source) showed that several million dollars was transferred from the Bank of
Iraq, through the SWIFT international banking system in Brussels, Belgium, to a
bank in Kingman, Arizona under the account name of "Nayaad." Attempts by
Northrop to confirm this information were unsuccessful.
What is also interesting is that Cary Gagan claimed to have received
$250,000 from his Arab friend Omar, who wanted to set up an account for him.
Omar and Gagan had also traveled to Kingman. The million dollar account was to
be wired from a Swiss bank and deposited into the Bank of Cherry Creek in
Part of the plan was to allow Omar and Ahmed to purchase the Postal
Center, a shipping and receiving store in Denver owned by George Colombo, who
also operated a Ryder truck leasing operation across the street. Omar had asked
Gagan to broker a deal to buy the facility from Colombo. He believes they were
interested in the mail and truck rental facility. For some reason, the deal
While Gagan claims he was paid by Omar, there is no direct evidence that
McVeigh or Nichols were funded by Gagan's Arab contacts. Yet there is
circumstantial evidence that the two bombing defendants met with Sam Khalid,
who spent considerable time in Las Vegas. The Arab high-roller frequented
Binyon's Horseshoe, the Glitter Gulch, and the MGM casino, where Nichols would
occasionally take his 12-year-old son Josh.
As Northrop said, "gambling is a favorite pastime of Sunni
Moslems.…" Was Omar simply there to gamble, or did he have another
According to Gagan: "Omar and Ahmed were wiring money in and out of MGM.
They used to get money — huge amounts of money — they were using
these wire transfers."
Former high-ranking CIA operative Gunther Russbacher told author Rodney
Stich (Defrauding America) that Binyon's Horseshoe was one of the
casinos used for money laundering and political payoffs. Khalid is a regular at
Two other frequent visitors to Binyon's Horseshoe, it appears, were
Terry Nichols and Timothy McVeigh. The two men attended the Claude Hall Gun
Show in Las Vegas in November and January of 1994, stayed at Padilla's house,
and reportedly frequented Binyon's and a strip joint next door called the
Glitter Gulch, where Khalid is also a regular.†
While no one at the casinos would cooperate in placing Khalid with the
two bombing suspects, Padilla said that Nichols had met with "Middle Eastern"
men while in Las Vegas.
That information dovetails with Cary Gagan's testimony. As stated
earlier, the federal informant said he met with approximately eight men —
five of whom were Middle Easterners — at the Western Motel in Las Vegas on
May 16, 1994. There was an Arab man from Oklahoma City who Gagan referred to as
The Eighth man was Terry Nichols.
The question remained, who was Omar, and was he connected with Sam
Khalid? Interestingly, Khalid's alias is "Omar."
In an attempt to track Khalid's whereabouts in Las Vegas, KFOR's Jayna
Davis hired a security guard and part-time P.I. named Louis Crousette.
Crousette had worked at the Glitter Gulch. In a transcript of the conversation,
Davis asks Crousette if Angie (not her real name), Khalid's favorite stripper,
Crousette: "She knew who he was. Her eyes… her…
her… how do I want to say this? Her whole demeanor changed. She went from
being a calm person to being a scared little rabbit."
Davis: "All right. And she said she didn't want to get
Crousette: "Does the word getting up and running and leaving the
place tell you anything?
Davis: "Okay. So…"
Crousette: "She left. She got up and left. She left her money and
left. She grabbed her stuff and was out the door."
According to Crousette, Angie also described an Arab man in the Glitter
Gulch acting as a "recruiter," who introduced Khalid to a pair of "skinny white
guys." Could these two skinny white guys have been Timothy McVeigh and Terry
Angie declined to say, telling Davis that she'd "wind up at the bottom
of Lake Meade" if she talked.*
But just who was this "recruiter" that Crousette spoke of? Crousette saw
him hobnobbing in a wealthy part of town with a man in a white BMW. Just who
was in the car with him wasn't clear. However, the information is curious in
light of Gagan's report that he and his Arab friends met at the Player's Club,
an upscale apartment complex in a Las Vegas suburb.
Also mentioned in Crousette's phone conversation is "Jaffer," an
apparent reference to Jaffer Oshan (not his real name). Oshan, who sometimes
goes by the name Ossan Jaffar, is an electrical engineer who works for Khalid,
and translates for his rusty Arabic.
Oshan was reportedly the target of FBI surveillance at the same time
Khalid was being indicted for insurance fraud. Like Abraham Ahmed, Oshan
disappeared just before the bombing, traveling to Jordan. And like Ahmed, he
gave a similar story, telling Ernie Cranfield he was going to the Middle East
to attend to family matters — in this case — his own wedding.
According to Cranfield, he did not marry.
A native Jordanian, Oshan showed up in KFOR's surveillance photos with
Khalid and Hussain al-Hussaini. Crousette showed the photos to his
Crousette: Three people that I know of that went in service
— two feds and two of them were ex-company (CIA). They know who these guys
are. When I showed them these pictures they looked at me and told me, "Get the
hell out of it. What the hell are you doing doing this?"
Davis: Did they tell you they were Iraqi Intelligence?
Crousette: Two of them did, yes.… The feds know who did
Davis: And they're not arresting them?
Crousette: I'm not gonna' get involved.
Davis: Are they Middle Eastern?
Crousette: I'm not getting involved on this. Okay. I'm sending in
my bill. I'm getting out of it now….
Crousette has since avoided all attempts to contact him. Gordon Novel,
an investigator who used to work for District Attorney Jim Garrison, spent a
week in Las Vegas attempting to talk with the former security guard. "He was
real adamant about not wanting to be talked to," said Novel.
As a frustrated Novel was about to leave, a large goon appeared at his
hotel room with an automatic tucked in his belt and some words of advice: "You
betta' stay da fuck out odda Oklahoma thing," he warned. "Work on da Waco thing
if ya wanna, but stay out odda Oklahoma thing. There's a lodda sand out dare
where no one will ever find ya."
"He had a very serious big gun," said Novel, "and he wasn't a cop —
I don't know what he was."
Why would an apparent Mob mule be concerned about steering an
investigator away from a Las Vegas connection to the Oklahoma City bombing? Was
Khalid connected to the Mob?
KFOR first bumped into Sam Khalid when reporter Brad Edwards received a
mysterious phone call from Sharon Twilley. Twilley was working at the time for
Khalid's real-estate business, Sahara Properties, which he owned with his
ex-wife Carol, who died in the bombing. A three-year employee, Twilley did a
variety of jobs for Khalid, including bookkeeping and acting as rental agent
for his 500-plus properties.
Twilley told Edwards and Davis that she had seen her boss in the company
of Abraham Ahmed, who had been detained by the FBI as a possible suspect on
April 19 as he attempted to fly from Oklahoma to Jordan.
According to Twilley and Ernie Cranfield, Ahmed had been seen driving
the brown Chevy pick-up seen speeding away from the bombing, back and forth to
Khalid's place in the days prior to the bombing. Ahmed's increasingly frequent
visits coincided with the arrival of Hussain al-Hussaini and five other Iraqis
in November. Twilley also said that Khalid began acting very secretive after
the arrival of the six men, and would only speak to Ahmed in Arabic.
Yet, perhaps most incredibly, both Cranfield and Twilley had seen a
yellow Mercury Marquis parked at Khalid's office; Twilley said she saw Abraham
Ahmed in the passenger seat.
The presence of Ahmed wasn't the only thing that raised eyebrows at
Sahara properties in the days following the bombing. Cranfield told the FBI and
Edwards that he saw one of Khalid's Arab employees, a man named Haider
al-Saiidi, acting strangely ebullient after the bombing.
"When the news reports first came about some Islamic group being
responsible, well Haider kind of laughed about that," recalled Cranfield. "I
heard they found three babies that was dead from the blast, and I went and told
the guys… and John Doe 2 (Cranfield's reference to Hussaini) started
crying. He went out on the porch to cover his face and he stood by the wall
crying. He was upset that children got hurt. He was really upset. And Haider
was laughing because he was crying."*
To make things even stranger, Khalid decided to visit Las Vegas on the
evening of April 20, the day after his ex-wife Carol was killed in the bombing.
It seems Khalid had asked her to help him with his taxes on Monday, her
regularly scheduled day at the Department of Agriculture. Consequently, she
went into work on Wednesday, her day off. As news reports showed Dr. Espe,
Carol's boss, being carried down a ladder by rescue workers, Khalid's daughter
Heather began crying. She knew her mom worked in that office.
"We was all sitting around the office watching the news," said
Cranfield. "And when they showed Espe being carried down that ladder, she
(Najaya, Khalid's current wife) just burst out laughing. Heather was crying,
and Najaya was laughing."
Some might consider it odd that a girl's stepmother would burst out
laughing upon learning that her mother had been killed. Some might consider it
stranger still for a man to be partying on the eve of his ex-wife's death.
Was there a motive? Did Khalid know there would be a bombing on
Wednesday? Did he know Carol would go into work on Wednesday to make up for her
"It was set up," said Cranfield. "I know it was set up. He got rid of
her because of the taxes she filed."
According to Cranfield, Khalid reported to the IRS that his employees
were sub-contractors, thus avoiding having to pay benefits. Khalid's steady
worker of nine years also told me that his boss made up business cards for the
employees that purported to show their "independent" status.
It was Carol on whom fell the responsibility of preparing the returns.
Cranfield caught a glimpse of her on Monday, two days before her death.
"She didn't look happy that morning when she was doing his taxes,"
recalled Cranfield. "She did not look happy at all… 'cause he was fucking
the government over the taxes."
At the time of this writing there was a case pending against Khalid for
tax fraud. Carol most likely would have testified against him in that case.
The circumstances at Sahara Properties in the days after the bombing
were too much for Cranfield. "I left the job site and went to the office and
said 'I want my money.' I told them I didn't want to work for no terrorists. I
was so… I feared that these people were involved, and them workers were
involved in this. And with all the strange things that was going on, I wasn't
going to take no chances. And when they found Abraham [Ahmed], that was it.
That was all I needed to know. That's all I wanted to know. I wanted to get the
hell out of there!"
The brown Chevy pick-up that Ahmed had been seen driving was found
abandoned the Tuesday after the bombing at the Woodscape Apartment complex on
Route 66. Resident Jeannie Royer recalled a heavy-set Middle-Eastern man
getting out of the truck which was left near a storage shed. The man gave Boyer
a hard look that said, "You'd better forget what you just saw."
The man showed up a week later and followed Royer while she was out
walking her dog.† When
shown a photo of a heavy-set Middle Eastern suspect by KFOR (one of Khalid's
workers), she said, "It sure does look like him. I would sure like to see a
close-up of his eyes. Those eyes of his were frightening!"
The abandoned pick-up, incidentally, had been painted yellow, and the
serial numbers ground off. "You could see the yellow over-spray all over the
chrome fender," said Joe Royer. The FBI then towed the truck to its impound
lot, and nothing has been heard about it since.
What is even more interesting (or coincidental, depending on your point
of view) is that Khalid owns the property on which a body shop is located
— Route 66 Auto Collision — a nondescript, run down place on the far
side of town. Route 66, curiously, is two miles directly due west of the
A body shop would be a very convenient place to paint a pick-up.
Khalid bought the property in 1994 at a tax auction. The sale was
disputed by the current owner, Rex Carmichael, and as of this writing, the case
was in court. "I'm sure it wasn't painted there," said Carmichael. "Khalid
hasn't hadn't had anything to do with that body shop.… he's tried to get
it, he's tried to own it, he's tried to possess it from me…."
Interestingly, an anonymous caller to Oklahoma State Representative
Charles Key who claimed to be a friend of the brother of a man involved in the
bombing, told him that a meeting of bombing conspirators took place at a garage
on Northwest 39th Street. Although he didn't state the name, Route 66 is
located right on Northwest 39th Street.
After the bombing, Route 66 changed it's name to Tom's, but is not
listed in the phone book or the information directory under either name. KFOR's
P.I., Bob Jerlow, told me he staked the place out for five days but never saw
anybody go in for an estimate. "It's probably a chop-shop," said a retired
If so, it may fit into what Cranfield told me next: "They (Khalid and
his employees) would always buy cars, then I found out that they was taking
them and running them to Mexico, running trips to Mexico and selling the
cars.… Within two weeks to a month, everyone of them was driving a
different car. They wouldn't have it but less than a month, then they'd be rid
of it, and you wouldn't see it again.
"I seen them many times up there at this garage (Route 66). It was the
same guys that came in [in November]. The same six that came in. Just them
— them six."
One of the six was Hussain al-Hussaini.
The date November, 1994 may be prophetic. Three witnesses in Stillwater,
about an hour's drive north of Oklahoma City, saw a man who closely resembles
Ramzi Yousef in late October, early November, 1994. The man, who called himself
Y.T., was managing Boomer's Used Auto Sales in Stillwater, along with a man who
resembled John Doe 2. He drove a yellow Mercury Marquis similar to Timothy
McVeigh's, albeit with a vinyl roof.
Ronnie White (not his real name), who was working as a mechanic for
Boomer's at the time, said the men ran a "shoddy" operation and were "hostile"
towards customers. The business, he said, was buying used cars and shipping
them overseas, possibly to Kuwait. while in itself not an unusual practice,
White said he saw as much as $100,000 pass through per month, which is
unusual for such a small operation.
White says the two men suddenly departed for Ohio the last week of
October, 1994. They told him "Don't tell anybody where we're going." They left
no forwarding address and no way for the customers to pay their bills.
(Coincidentally perhaps, Timothy McVeigh was in Kent, Ohio on October 5.)
Said customer Michael Reed, "They were some pretty strange people. They
were supposed to be running a car lot, but they were always gone." They
returned from their supposed car-buying trip the first week of November, with
one used Honda.
White went to the FBI when he saw Yousef's wanted poster in the local
police station. Like many witnesses, the FBI appeared to show no
Was the man these witnesses saw really internationally wanted fugitive
Ramzi Yousef? A Washington source familiar with Yousef and the World Trade
Center bombing doesn't think it likely that Yousef reentered the county after
the 1993 attack. The FBI put Yousef in the Philippines in November and December
of '94, just in time to launch an ill-fated attack on President Clinton during
his APEC visit, but his exact timeline was never established.
Yousef himself is a chameleon. One FBI photo depicts him as a thin,
haunted-looking criminal, the other a boyish-looking foreign exchange student.
Yet all three witnesses in Stillwater are adamant. "I was shocked," said
Michael Reed, "it looked just like him."
Had the Arab cell involved in the bombing reinlisted the aid of expert
bomb maker Ramzi Yousef for the Oklahoma City attack? A U.S. Marshall told
Jayna Davis that he believed the World Trade Center and Oklahoma City bombings
were linked. Other sources expressed similar opinions.
Finally, the Justice Department's Office of Inspector General report on
the Oklahoma City bombing indicates that nitroglycerin was was found at the
scene. As previously stated, Yousef had been experimenting with a new form of
If Y.T. was Ramzi Yousef, he didn't seem too concerned that he was
operating in the U.S. as a wanted fugitive.
Samir Khalid, who by now was being investigated by KFOR and surveilled
by Jerlow, apparently didn't seem too concerned he was being watched either. At
one point he casually strolled up to Jerlow and Edwards, who were staking out
his house, rapped on their window, and said "What do you want with me?" Jerlow,
his hand on his gun, watched in amazement. Later, Khalid called him on the
phone. "Which country hired you to investigate me," Khalid demanded to know,
"and how much are they paying you?"
A curious question. If Khalid wanted to know what country had
hired Jerlow, it would subsume, at least in his mind, that the U.S. would have
no reason to investigate him. Why would he assume such a thing? Was Khalid an
operative or an informant for the U.S. Government?
When Hani Kamal, a Lebanese/Jordanian businessman, occasional FBI
informant, and long-time acquaintance of Khalid's was shown KFOR's surveillance
photos by OCPD officer Don Browning, he reportedly became frightened and said,
"You have to leave this alone. This is the Mossad. You do not know what you're
messing with." After that, Kamal would no longer talk to the cop.*
Jerlow's sources also came up dry. When the P.I. asked his phone company
source to pull Khalid's records, they had mysteriously "disappeared." An
attorney friend of Jerlow's who had some dealings with Khalid told him, "Khalid
is a dangerous motherfucker. You stay away from him." He didn't explain
His warning may have been well-founded however. Three months after the
bombing, on July 3, a man matching Khalid's description, and driving his truck,
showed up at Sharon Twilley's house, pulled out a pistol, and fired four shots.
Two of the bullets went into Twilley's bedroom, one went into her car,
shattering the windshield, and another lodged under a neighbor's window.
A terrified Sharon Twilley rolled out of bed, clutching the phone in her
hand, and dialed 911. She then ran over to neighbor Glenn Moore's house. "He
knows where I slept!" she told Moore, who had watched the scene from his
window. "He could have killed me if he had wanted to!"
Just why Khalid would want to scare Sharon Twilley literally to death is
an interesting question. This excerpt from the police report may shed some
light on the motive:
Twilley stated she worked for the suspect until after the bombing of the
Murrah building when the F.B.I. came out and questioned her about the suspect's
activity. The next day she was fired. Since that time the suspect has tried to
kick her out of his rent [sic] house. He had refused to accept her check &
had taken her to district court & the judge ordered him to serve a 30 day
notice. Twilley stated that since that time her residence was burglarized and
then this incident of the shooting took place. Twilley stated the F.B.I. had
spoke [sic] with her a few times since she was fired & then it all started.
Twilley stated Khalid was furious when he found out she had spoken to the
Just what had Twilley told the FBI? When I interviewed the OCPD
detective who wrote the report, he told me that Twilley had seen "some new deal
he was into," and was "nervous."
"She didn't want him to know that she had talked to the FBI," said the
detective. "She was definitely afraid."
FBI agents James Strickland and Dave Swanson's names also appeared on
the report. Why would the FBI take an interest in a local assault case?
Although Khalid later admitted to the author that he had been interviewed and
polygraphed by the FBI in regards to the bombing, Strickland wouldn't
In spite of the bullet holes in Twilley's house and car, and Moore's
eyewitness account, the OCPD did little. Assistant DA Sherry Todd declined to
prosecute the case on "lack of evidence." The police report stated it as
Moore stated on the morning on 7-3-95 at approx. 3:30-4:00 he heard gun
shots. Moore got up & looked out the window and saw a dark skinned male
running from the house. I asked him if it was Mr. Khalid. Moore stated "I think
it was him, but I'm not sure. It looked like him but I'm not positive. He was
driving the same white Nissan pick-up that he drives. But I'm not sure.
Moore seemed a bit more certain when I spoke to him. "He was a short guy
that smokes a cigar," said Moore. "[He] looked real aggravated. He was randomly
shooting; he shot four times."
In fact, the police report had previously stated Moore's identification
in more positive terms:
Moore recognized the suspect as the landlord who rented the house out
prior to Twilley living there & knew him as having a white Toyota pick up
& he said that was him, meaning the suspect.
As if to add more grist to the mill, Khalid and an associate had shown
up at Twilley's house the previous day and had smashed a brick through her
window. Moore told me he recognized Khalid by his baseball cap, cigar, and
I began to suspect that Todd's refusal to prosecute came from DA Robert
Macy, who had blindly cooperated with the Justice Department by refusing to
pursue a local investigation of the bombing. Todd dismissed that notion. "It's
very, very rare when he's involved in the decline or acceptance of charges,"
she said, then added, "I felt there were some problems with the witnesses
Although initially polite, when I suggested that Khalid might be
involved in the bombing, and that she should re-open the case, she turned
suddenly hostile, and said, "I'm gonna' go back to work. This case is closed,"
then abruptly hung up.
Some time later, Mike Johnston, a local attorney familiar with the case,
ran into Assistant U.S. Attorney Ted Richardson in the courthouse. Johnston
raised the issue of Sam Khalid. "Oh you must have been talking to that guy from
San Francisco," Richardson replied, referring to the author. When Johnston siad
that he had gleaned his information from other sources as well, and suggested
that Richardson look into the matter, Richardson looked at his watch and said,
"Well Mike, that's an interesting theory. I gotta' run."*
As for Glenn Moore, he told me he was being followed by Khalid and
didn't want to get involved. And Sharon Twilley? Moore said she was scared and
had probably moved back to Georgia.
Was Khalid guilty of assault with a deadly weapon? Was he involved in
the bombing? His attorney, Francis Courbois, put it eloquently when he said,
"…he is typical of those immigrants who work hard to achieve the
opportunities America offers."
In 1973, Khalid was convicted of Grand Larceny.
In 1991, he was indicted in Federal Court on eight counts of insurance
fraud, which included setting fires to some of his 500-plus properties. He
served nine months out of a year at El Reno Federal Prison.
Robert Kulick, a former employee of Khalid's, told the FBI that Khalid
had instructed him to set fires to four of his properties. When agents
questioned Kulick and his wife about Khalid's associations, Mrs. Kulick blurted
out, "We don't want to get Sam [Khalid] in any trouble," whereupon the agents
immediately advised Kulick of his Miranda rights.
Kulick later jumped bond and fled to California after claiming he had
received "threatening phone calls." He didn't say from whom.*
Yet the FBI's interest seemed to lay more in Khalid's connections to the
PLO than in arson. According to Northrop, the FBI investigated Khalid for
alleged PLO activity in 1991. Khalid's attorney insisted that it would have
been precisely the FBI's interest in Khalid — "the microscope under which
he, as a Palestinian, has been monitored" — which would have revealed any
For all intents and purposes, Sam Khalid appears to be just what his
lawyer says he is, a hard-working immigrant out to achieve the opportunities
America has to offer. A 56-year-old Palestinian, Khalid was born Samir
Abdul-Ghani Sharif Khalid, and emigrated to the U.S. from Kuwait in
1968.† He received his
M.A. from Oklahoma City University in 1975, his Ph.D. in psychology from O.U.
in 1979, and went on to teach at public schools and at nearby Tinker Air Force
base. He also did a brief stint in the Oklahoma Department of Human
Khalid claims to have relatives in Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq, who
provided the money for his education and real-estate investments. In 1982,
Khalid quit teaching and devoted himself full-time to his burgeoning
real-estate business. By 1995 he had acquired over 500 properties, mostly
through HUD, the federal agency besieged with corruption in the late '70s and
Hani Kamal was surprised when I told him Khalid owned over 500
properties: "In the '70s this son-of-a-bitch did not have a dime to his name.
He couldn't survive. He used to ask me for money. Where did he get 500
properties? Where did the money come from?"
Kamal, who claimed to have worked with the Insurance Fraud Division of
the FBI (Browning said he was merely an informant), believes Khalid is a money
launderer. "Khalid should be a millionaire with that much property," exclaimed
Kamal, "but he lives in a dilapidated shack on 32nd Street." Sure enough,
Khalid makes his home in a run-down, low-income part of town. It is Kamal's
opinion that Khalid is just an "errand boy," and somebody else really owns the
Northrop agrees. He says the money to fund this burgeoning real estate
empire comes from the PLO, which instructs him on how to live for appearance'
sake. Northrop also indicated that Khalid's claim of numerous relatives —
an apparently false claim — merely provides a cover for the funneling of
money to his business.
Do these largely circumstantial facts make Sam Khalid a terrorist? That
depends on who you talk to. According to Northrop:
[By information and belief] Khalid is a long-standing participant in PLO
fund-raising activities in the United States. He is most probably a sub-cell
leader, part of the intellectual fringe that guide the cell, a classic Russian
Nihilistic Terrorist structure. The destruction of the fringe leadership
can be seen in the so-called Spook War between the Israelis and the PLO
that took place in Europe and the Middle East between 1972 (the Munich
Massacre) and 1986 (the death of Abu Jihad).
Khalid fits the pattern of the well-funded, well-educated father figure
who takes care of his flock, remaining outside the center core of
sub-cell foot soldiers (the hel in the Nihilistic structure).
A West 57th Street documentary described how fund-raising by insurance
fraud is a classic PLO technique. The May, 1989 episode, entitled,
"Palestinians: Dirty Business," focused mostly on insurance fraud in Miami in
the early to mid-'80s. Sunrise, Florida Police detective Don Cannon said the
money was "being sent back to fund the PLO or the PFLP or the
The principals of this fund-raising scheme, CBS reported, hailed from
the West Bank town of Deir Dibwan. Reporter Karen Burnes received confirmation
from the FBI that a number of scams were going on throughout the U.S. at the
One method of raising money involved small store owners who would open
businesses, buying merchandise on credit, then quickly close shop and vanish
with the proceeds. There were other scams. California insurance lawyer Gordon
Park told CBS, "What they would do is throw a brick through their front window
and say, 'Ok, gosh, I got burglarized.'"
In Brooklyn, investigators discovered a phony coupon redemption center
run by Mahumud Abouhalima — currently serving 240 years in prison for his
role in the World Trade Center bombing.
"Insurance scams first surfaced in the United States in the mid-1970's,"
wrote Northrop, "when California authorities busted a PLO cell in Los Angeles."
The Israeli said that Khalid travels to Israel at least once a year, and avoids
any contact with the PLO, but communicates through a "cut-out," a member of his
family. Northrop also stated that Khalid had been transferring funds from the
Bank of Oklahoma in Tulsa to Bank Hapolim, an Israeli bank in Jerusalem:
The signatory on this particular account in Israel is a member of the
Nashashibi clan, a prominent Palestinian family who live in Jerusalem and the
surrounding area (West Bank). These funds have been used to help finance
'Palestinian aspirations" (and all that implies).
While this information in itself is largely circumstantial, it begins to
look less exculpatory when combined with other evidence.
In May of 1996, U.S. Customs agents in Los Angeles seized a shipment of
weapons — Semtex plastic explosives and small arms — bound for
Florida. The North Korean-manufactured ordinance had been shipped through
Manila, and was bound for a Hamas group in Miami.
The co-founder of Islamic Jihad — a close cousin of Hamas —
Fathi Shikaki, had been assassinated in Syria by the Shin Bet (Israeli Secret
Service) in October of 1995. Islamic Jihad now needed a new leader, and they
sought him in Professor Ramadan Abdullah Shallah, an adjunct political science
teacher at the University of South Florida in Tampa.
Shallah co-founded the World and Islam Study Enterprise (WISE), linked
to the Islamic Committee for Palestine, both of which have been accused by
federal authorities of fronting for terrorist groups.
While Shallah vehemently denied these allegations, he suddenly appeared
in Syria in November of 1995 as the new head of Islamic Jihad.
Cary Gagan claims to have seen Shallah in late 1994 and February of '95
at Caesar's Palace and The Racetrack — two Las Vegas casinos. "Who is this
dude?" Gagan asked Khalid about the short, fat, balding man with a mustache and
beard. Gagan was simply told he was a professor from Florida.
Shallah also appeared in Teheran in June of 1996 as HizbAllah
International was organizing its joint working committee to coordinate
international terrorist attacks. Authorities later discovered that Shallah had
been Jihad's number two man in Tampa.
While the Florida group had made threats over the extradition of one of
their operatives — Mousa Mohammed Abu Marzuk — to Israel, the FBI and
the Jewish community hadn't taken them seriously. After the Oklahoma City
bombing however, and the interception of the arms shipment in May, the scenario
changed. The FBI and the Jewish community were now taking a keen interest in
the Miami group.
Back in Houston, Northrop was checking into some PLO suspects. He
punched up an inquiry into the Aman (Israeli military intelligence) computer on
Hussain al-Hussaini. It came up empty.
But the FBI had a list of 27 PLO and Hamas operatives in Florida and
Oklahoma. Ten of those individuals had previously been arrested by the Israelis
in March of '96, and the FBI needed their help. When an Israeli agent in New
York named Avi ran the names through the computer, he noticed Northrop's
inquiry on Hussaini. He called Northrop and asked him to fly to Miami.
What Northrop discovered when he arrived was that the same group he had
been investigating in Oklahoma and Houston had been seen in Miami. Hussain
al-Hussaini, Sam Khalid, Jaffer Oshan, and Haider al-Saadi — six to seven
in all — were positively ID'd by Israeli Sayanim in Ft. Lauderdale. They
were there, according to sources, meeting with members of Hamas.
It appears that the Khalid family's activities in the terrorist
underworld date back at least to 1982. According to Army CID (Army Criminal
Investigation Division) records, Khalid's brother Mike, (AKA: Ahmed Khalid,
Mike Yousif, Wahid S. Yousif), was involved with a group of Iranians in
Huntsville, Alabama who were romancing local female enlisted personnel in an
attempt to procure military secrets.
Yousif/Khalid's mission was to court a woman named Walker from
Tuskumbee, AL, whom he had met in Oklahoma City in late 1982, when they worked
together at Shotgun Sam's Pizza Parlor. Walker's brother, Jimmy, was the pilot
for General Robert L. Moore, Commander of the Redstone Arsenal U.S. Army
Missile Command in Huntsville. As commander, Moore had responsibility for the
Army's missile program worldwide.*
"What he had wanted, according to her," said a retired Army criminal
investigator who wishes to remain anonymous, "was all kinds of information
about General Moore."
Moore also recalled the case. He told me the Army had stepped up
security around him during this time. Interestingly, this was around the same
time that attacks on U.S. military installations were occurring in
The Army investigator also recalled that "Huntsville, Alabama, at that
time, was a hotbed of espionage. There were 27 known KGB agents in Huntsville.
They were known. They were known to the Bureau (FBI); they were known to
This espionage activity was due to the close proximity of Redstone
Missile Command, NASA's Marshall Space Flight Center, and similar high-tech
facilities located throughout the area. The investigator has no doubts that the
Iranians and the KGB were cooperating.
This account also jives with Gagan's story. The Soviets had asked
Gagan's help in obtaining classified information from his friend at
Martin-Marietta. Later, the Soviets introduced the informant to a man named
Hamid who needed fake documentation for illegal Iranians entering the country.
"Back at the time we had a big problem with Iranians," said the former
CID investigator, "a big problem. They were always trying to infiltrate the
arsenal. A number of them were attending Alabama A&M University under
student visas, but most of them didn't go to school. They were involved in a
lot of different criminal enterprises, drugs, stolen property, prostitution,
all sorts of things.…"
The suspects were also linked to a string of convenience stores.
Interestingly, Northrop believes that Sam Khalid is a "money man" for Arab
immigrants wishing to open businesses — namely convenience stores. Those
wishing to do so must split the profits with the "money man" fifty-fifty. Could
this be another PLO funding scam?
CID opened their case on Yousif/Khalid in September of 1982. "During the
course of all this, to verify that the guy was real, we got his phone
number… and I called the number one night, and I asked for Ahmed Khalid,
and this guy got on the phone and said, 'I don't know him.' And I said, 'Well,
it's got to be you. I got to talk to you — it's important.' Twenty-four
hours later that guy was in Tuskumbee, AL."
Like his brother Sam, Wahid was never prosecuted. "The FBI [officially]
took no interest.… Another CID investigator got reprimanded by our SAC,
because he went and did this (interviewed Walker). That was the total gist of
the FBI's involvement."
The Army investigator's experiences paralleled that of Gagan's. "That's
a pretty common thread when you deal with them (the FBI)," Gagan explained.
"You bring them information, and you never hear another word about it."
Florida police who investigated Arab links to insurance scams and
organized crime received the same treatment from the FBI. "People didn't want
to investigate this," said a police detective I spoke with. "Things weren't
right. It was as if someone was looking at this and saying, 'stay away from
In spite of the FBI's stonewalling, the Army investigator remembers the
case well: "The female soldiers would go out at night to the different clubs
and discos and stuff… we caught one out there, and he supposedly ran a
convenience store.… And we caught him on the arsenal.…
"Hassan Niakossary — he was the big leader of this gang. He was
associated with a local gangster named Dewy Brazelton, who ran a club called
the Plush Horse. He had a lot of Cosa Nostra connections into New York — a
lot. Hassan worked for him."†
Middle Eastern terrorists involved in espionage with the KGB, associated
with the Mob? The Army investigator said Niakossary traveled frequently to Las
Vegas, a known Mob town. So does Wahid's brother, Sam Khalid. A regular high
roller, Khalid reportedly shows up with at least $10,000 in his pocket.
As Hani Kamal pointed out, the Cosa Nostra has cooperated with Iranians
in money laundering in the past. Could this explain Khalid's frequent visits to
Las Vegas? Were his trips part of a money laundering operation?
As Gunther Russbacher explained, several Las Vegas casinos, including
Binyon's Horseshoe, are pay-off points for political and judicial slush-funds.
Federal judges and others are allegedly paid off through Shamrock Development
Corp. in Ireland, via off-shore banks and Las Vegas Casinos. The bribe
recipients collect their money in the form of gambling chips, then cash them
Is Khalid receiving money this way? It's hard to say, but it is worth
noting that the CEO of Shamrock, Donald Lutz, was on the management staff of
Silverado Savings & Loan, the S&L case tried by Judge Matsch, who would
later try McVeigh and Nichols (Neil Bush, a board member of Silverado, walked).
And what about Omar's trip(s) to Kingman? It was there that Omar and
Gagan drove from Las Vegas, two weeks before the bombing. Why would a
high-roller like Omar drive to the dusty, isolated desert town of Kingman? One
possible reason may have been to make contact with Timothy McVeigh, who was
holed up in the Imperial Motel at the time.
Another reason may have revolved around drugs. Recall that Gagan's
original relationship with Omar was under the guise of drug dealing. "I brought
some back from Puerto Vallerta for him," said Gagan, "using a camper with a
false top… through San Diego. At one time I saw 10-15 kilos. That's quite
a bit of dope."
Recall that Gagan had delivered a bag of cocaine from Kingman to Denver
(which contained plastic explosives), and he believes the $250,000 Omar paid
him came from the Cali Cartel.
As mentioned earlier, on April 4, 1995, Gagan and Omar delivered a
package to a man in a cowboy hat in Kingman, driving a rusty brown pick-up.
Authorities reported that a brown pick-up, belonging to Steven Garrett Colbern,
was caught on Trooper Hanger's video camera as he stopped McVeigh on I-35 an
hour and-a-half after the bombing.*
A chemist who knew McVeigh under the alias of "Tim Tuttle," Colbern had
recently been spotted with a bag of ammonium nitrate in his truck. His
roommate, Dennis Malzac, was being held on charges of arson for a small
explosion that had damaged a house in town two months earlier. That house was
owned by Rocky McPeak, a friend of McVeigh's. Colbern, who shared a mailbox in
Kingman with McVeigh, was absent from work four days prior to and ten days
after the bombing. He claimed he was in California visiting his parents.†
Interestingly, FBI agents digging in the desert outside Kingman for
evidence, found more than 150 pounds of ammonium nitrate buried in the
Colbern was arrested in May of 1995, and released on April 23, 1997,
after serving time in Lompac Federal Prison on illegal weapons charges.
Despite the incriminating connections, Colbern disappeared from the
official radar screen almost as quickly as he had appeared. The Oklahoma
Highway Patrol video showing the brown pick-up — like the numerous
surveillance tapes showing the activity at the Murrah Building on the morning
of April 19 — was "seized" by the FBI.
Was Colbern the man to whom Omar delivered the mysterious package on
April 4? Was the it meant for Timothy McVeigh?
Did Khalid meet Terry Nichols in Las Vegas in May of 1994? Were Nichols
and McVeigh the "two skinny white guys" he met at the Glitter Gulch in
Was McVeigh's yellow Mercury at Sahara Properties as Ernie Cranfield
claimed? And was McVeigh with Hussain al-Hussaini at the pawn shop and the
Roadrunner Tavern in Oklahoma City as KFOR's witnesses said?
Ultimately, were McVeigh, Nichols and their friends in fact plotting
with Arab extremists to blow up the Alfred P. Murrah Building?
"He (McVeigh) had mentioned before that he wanted to become a mercenary
in the Middle East, because they paid the most," recalled former Army buddy
Greg Henry, "But we just took it as a joke. But he's the kind of person that
would have become that."
Was McVeigh some sort of intermediary between neo-Nazi groups and Arab
terrorists? While this may sound bizarre, as previously noted, cooperation
between such groups has been well documented.
The origins of Arab-Nazi collaboration go back to WWII. The Mufti of
Jerusalem, who was Hitler's guest, actually raised Muslim SS units for the Nazi
war effort, culled from Bosnian Muslims and Arabs.
ODESSA, the Nazi organization formed to funnel support to ex-SS members,
arranged rendezvous with representatives of various Arab organizations after
the war, as part of the Dulles/McCloy/OSS Ratlines. This secret CIA operation
also funneled Nazis to various Latin American countries, where they set up
"security services" (death squads) for their respective government employers.
One ODESSA member, former Gestapo Chief General Ernest Rhemer, settled
in the Middle East, where he set up intelligence operations for several Arab
countries, including Syria and Egypt. Rhemer, who is currently active in the
"Revisionist" scene, for several decades played a key role in coordinating
German Right-wing activity with the Arab world.
Alois Brunner, Aldoph Eichmann's chief, who murdered 128,500 people
during the Nazi Holocaust, played an early role in Arab-Nazi collusion.
Also playing a role in Arab-Nazi cooperation was Hitler's "favorite
commando," Otto "Scarface" Skorzeny, who helped install Gamel Abdul Nasser as
Egyptian president with the assistance of an elite corps of former SS storm
troopers. Skorzeny also helped train early PLO groups for commando raids into
Israel. The ardent Nazi, who conveniently missed his day at the Nuremberg
trials courtesy of the U.S. Government, was stationed in Egypt at the behest of
One of Skorzeny's subordinates, a Swiss Nazi named François
Genoud, served with Skorzeny's troops in Egypt. Genoud also befriended Ali
Hassan Salameh, the leader of Black September, the group which murdered nine
Israeli athletes during the 1972 Munich Olympics. Currently a banker in Geneva,
Genoud reportedly masterminded several airplane hijackings for the PLO.
A close friend of Genoud's, French attorney Jacques Vergès,
defended several members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
(PFLP), and spoke as a "character" witness on behalf of the notorious Gestapo
chief Klaus Barbie (the "Butcher of Lyon"), who murdered hundreds of French
resistance fighters, and deported 7,000 Jews to the death camps.
And as recently as the early 1980's, a neo-Nazi named Odifried Hepp was
responsible for attacks against at least four U.S. military and NATO
installations, as well as German nightclubs frequented by U.S. servicemen. Hepp
worked with the PFLP, and was also financed by Yasser Arafat's Al Fatah, who in
turn was supported by François Genoud.
As another example of Arab-Nazi collaboration, when members of Abu
Nidal, and Abu Abass' Palestine Liberation Front (PLF) hijacked the Greek
cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985, they demanded Hepp's release. "I know
Hepp quite well," Abass told the French daily Liberation in 1985. "He is
The German magazine Der Speigel reported on a group of neo-Nazis
called Kampfsportgruppe, headed by a man named Hoffmann (a Hoffmann member had
blown himself up, along with 11 others, at the Oktoberfest celebration in
Munich in 1981). Kampfsportgruppe, it seemed, was connected to terrorist groups
in Beirut. At the same time, a
number of German terrorists have reportedly been trained in Palestinian camps
in Jordan, South Yemen, Syria, and Iraq.
Iraqi arms dealer Ishan Barbouti met with former Nazi scientist Volker
Weissheimer in order to recruit other former Nazis to work on Libyan and Iraqi
chemical weapons projects.
The Syrians — who are well-known sponsors of terrorism —
offered funding to Robert Mathews, the former leader of The Order, also known
as "Der Buders Schweigen" (The Silent Brotherhood). Mathews, who was killed in
a shoot-out with police in 1984, had issued a "Declaration of War" against the
so-called "Zionist Occupied Government, including Jews, blacks, Hispanics,
Asians and white "race traitors" who didn't agree with white supremacist goals.
Mathews' Order was responsible for a string of armored car robberies and the
machine-gun killing of Jewish talk show host Allen Berg in Denver.
As discussed earlier, reports of other Middle-Eastern "terrorist" states
such as Libya funding or offering funding to neo-Nazi and other dissident
groups such as the Black Muslims and the El Rukns has been reported. One of
Libya's primary beneficiaries was the Nation of Islam (NOI), whose leader,
Louis Farrakhan, received $5 million dollars from Libyan President Muammar
As previously discussed, Farrakhan's predecessor, Elijah Muhammad, had
formed a pact with the KKK and American Nazi Party in 1961. This unusual
alliance stretched right up to the present day. In the fall of 1992, WAR leader
Tom Metzger appeared on the Whoopi Goldberg Show preaching the benefits of
young blacks joining the NOI.
In 1985, Metzger and Farrakhan spoke together in Los Angeles, and in
October of 1996, David Irving, a British Nazi Holocaust Revisionist, showed up
with a pair of NOI bodyguards.
Twenty-five year DEA veteran Mike Levine described to me the unique
connection between Nazis and Arab terrorists: "Years ago I was undercover in
the American Nazi party, and it was an odd mix of people that I ran into. First
of all, I'm very dark, and my undercover I.D. said I was Italian — Mike
Picano. But, what I found interesting was that members of the American Nazi
party were Arabs, you know, [and] there were light-skinned Latinos… There
were Arab members of the American Nazi Party going all the way back to 1968,
when I was a member. The mutual hatred was the Jews and the blacks.
As Levine says, the ties that bind these two seemingly disparate groups
is a loathing of the U.S. and hatred of "World Jewry," which they see as the
dominating force behind all world political and financial power.
In April of 1991, Ahmed Rami, European correspondent for Al Shaab
newspaper, urged a "Western Intifada" against alleged Jewish dominance.
Rami's call was duplicated in several Right-wing German publications, including
Deutsche Rundschall, Remer Depesche, and Recht Und Wahrheit,
One can say that the only winner of WWII was the organized World
Jewry… attained through Auschwitz, a never-before existing freedom to
unrestricted development of power. Today, Jews control all important positions
of power in the U.S.A.
Similar twisted sentiments were echoed by the Islamic Association of
Palestine, which published a communiqué urging Muslims to die in a holy
war against Jews, who they call "enemies of humanity, the bloodsuckers, and the
killers of prophets." The principle American support group of Hamas, is the IAP
in Dallas, Texas.
According to ABC 20/20 reporter Tom Jarriel, law-enforcement sources
said that Iranians had emigrated to the U.S. for the purpose of "recruiting"
Americans for homegrown terrorism. The January, 1996 episode focused on David
Belfield (AKA Daoud Salahuddin), a young black man who became disenchanted with
American social and economic life and was drawn to the militant Islamic
In 1980, Salahuddin assassinated a former Iranian Embassy official, Ali
Tabatabai, who had advocated the overthrow of the Ayatollah Khomani. Like Cary
Gagan's "Iranian" friends who had planned to bomb a federal building using a
postal truck packed with explosives, Salahuddin used a postal jeep to gain
entry into the official's home. He then fled the U.S. and assimilated himself
into the Arab terrorist underground. According to the report, Salahuddin was
typical of many young black males indoctrinated into the Islamic faith by
Iranian agents, who convinced them that terrorism was a legitimate means of
With the help of Washington, D.C. private investigator Carl Schoffler,
ABC 20/20 investigators were able to obtain police intelligence reports which
established that "the Ayatollah had established a recruiting and training
program within the U.S. for home-grown terrorists."
Calling themselves the Islamic Guerrillas in America (IGA), the group,
originally comprised of approximately a dozen young black men, became involved
in murder, bank robbery, and threats on the lives of judges and prosecutors.
Regarding the assassination of Tabatabai, Salahuddin told 20/20, "I
assume that the decision came from what was the Revolutionary Council in Iran,
in Tehran. That's my assumption."
Another of Salahuddin's close pals was Cleven Holt, who under his
Islamic name, Isa Abdullah, fought against the Israelis in Lebanon and was seen
extensively outside the Marine Corps compound in Beirut just before it was
bombed in 1983. Shoffler recalls that Abdullah was once arrested while casing
Air Force One, the Presidential jet.…
According to Schoffler, "There are clear signs that constant
recruitment's going on.…"
Some of this recruitment was for a group known as al-Fuqua, which claims
between 200 and 300 operational members. A splinter from the Da'ar al-Islam
sect, al-Fuqra was founded in Brooklyn in 1980 by a Pakistani cleric named
Shaykh Mubarik Ali Gilani. Al-Fuqra's international headquarters is in Lahore,
Pakistan, and they maintain strong ties to both Pakistani intelligence and the
The group, which is based on the classical terrorist cell structure, is
thought to have at least five operational cells in the U.S., and is suspected
of 17 bombings and assassinations throughout the country, including the murder
of at least 12 people.
In September of 1989, the FBI confiscated the contents of a storage
locker in Colorado Springs owned by al-Fuqra members, including 30 pounds of
explosives (three pipe-bombs, homemade plastic explosives, hand-grenades,
mines, fuses, mercury switches and timing devices), weapons (10 handguns and
silencers), military manuals, bomb-making instructions, a photo of Sheik Omar
Abdel Rahman, target-practice silhouettes with such headings as "FBI
Anti-Terrorist Team" and "Zionist Pig." Also included in the lot were plans to
attack Colorado military installations, and Colorado utilities and aviation
Cary Gagan was already familiar with Al Fuqra from his time in prison.
Omar had asked Gagan to "take care of" an al-Fuqra member named "Eddie," should
he call. Gagan believes the man was Edward Flinton, a Colorado-based al-Fuqra
member charged with conspiracy to commit murder in the August 1984 firebombing
of a Hare Krishna temple, and the February 1993 murder of Rashid Khalifa, an
Iman of a Tucson mosque.
In August of 1995, six months after the bombing in Oklahoma City,
"Eddie" called. Gagan met the al-Fuqra member, and the two allegedly discussed
plans to detonate car bombs outside the Governor's Mansion, the Attorney
General's office, the Department of Labor and Employment, and the Colorado
Bureau of Investigation (CBI).
The plan included not only blowing up buildings — but assassinating
a federal judge — Lewis Babcock. Babcock was one of several judges and
federal agents on the terrorists' hit list.
"He was my guy up here," said Gagan. "I was to take him out."
The idea was to take Babcock's upstairs neighbor, John Strader, hostage,
tie him up, then plant a bomb in his apartment. Apparently, this time the U.S.
Marshals took Gagan's warning seriously. A call to Babcock and Strader
confirmed that the judge had extra security around him during this time.
Nevertheless, Gagan said Agent James Tafoya didn't want to follow up.
On October 20, 1995, Gagan returned to Denver at the behest of his
"Hizbollah" contact, where he met two Americans named "Paul" and "Daniel" at
the Broadway Plaza Motel. "I had just come back from Kingman, where I dropped
off money to a militia-looking dude," said Gagan. The men discussed bombing
targets in Denver and Phoenix. "Daniel deals with these dudes (al-Fuqra)," said
Gagan. "They were connected to Hizbollah."
Although the agencies targeted for the attacks stepped up security at
these facilities, the FBI began a concerted effort to discredit Gagan.
Then in early February, Gagan says he met at the Tomahawk Truck Stop in
Watkins, Colorado, where he helped load approximately 300 pounds of high-grade
explosives allegedly stolen from Explosives Fabricators. Also loaded into a van
were anti-tank weapons stolen from the Army, electronic circuitry, and boxes of
chemicals marked Ammonium Silicate. Gagan says he drove the van to Denver,
whereupon he contacted Agent Matt Traver of the ATF.
Gagan said he informed FBI Agents Johnson and Holtslaw and U.S.
Attorneys Allison and Solano. Gagan told Holtslaw he would take a Polygraph
test, requested that he confirm the status of his Immunity Letter, and meet
with his family to assure them that precautions would be taken for their
safety. Gagan alleges that Holtslaw refused, and ceased all contact with him.
The FBI claims that Gagan refused to take a Polygraph, and was therefore
Yet Gagan's involvement with al-Fuqra is significant in light of several
factors. First, Clement Rodney Hampton-El and Earl Gant, both al-Fuqra members,
were indicted in the World Trade Center bombing and the subsequent plot to blow
up four New York City landmarks by Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman's Jama a Islamiya.
Hampton had fought with Gulbaddin Hekmatyar's Hizb-I-Islami (Islamic Party)
during the Afghan War, and assisted in the testing of explosives for the New
York City bombings, although he didn't actually take part in the final
Second, al-Fuqra is aligned, not only with Pakistani intelligence, which
supports the Mujahadeen (World Trade Center bomber Ramzi Yousef is a Pakistani
who reportedly fought alongside the Mujahadeen), but to the HizbAllah
International through leaders such as Gulbaddin Hekmatyar. Al-Fuqra's contacts
also include Hamas, and the Moro Liberation Front, based in the Philippines,
where Terry Nichols and Ramzi Yousef allegedly rendezvoused.
Third, an individual claiming to be the brother of the friend of a man
involved in the plot called Oklahoma State Representative Key to provide him
with information after the bombing. According to the anonymous caller, one of
the bombers was a black Muslim. He spoke of a man named "Colonel Hardin" from
Arizona, whose "supposed to be deeply involved in this, along with some with
some Middle Eastern and some black Muslims."
The reader should take note that this conversation occurred before any
discussion of Middle Eastern involvement became public as a result of Stephen
Jones' Writ or other investigations:
Caller: So, according to him there was nine people that he knows
of that was supposedly involved in this. Now there was… there was two
white guys and a black dude. And he said that he thought one of the white guys
could possibly be a short-haired girl that she looked like she might be from
the Middle East or something.
But the second time that he saw the car, he said it was about ten
minutes before the bombing, he said they drove up to him and told him to get
the hell out, that there was gonna' be a bomb. And he said it was the same car
only that it had the white guy and the black dude in it. The other person, he
said thought might be a female wasn't in the car at that time. Now this about
ten minutes before.…
And this black dude-he's a member of the Nation of Islam, but he's also
prior service military. And this stupid asshole, he supposedly called Channel
Four after the bombing, claiming credit for it.
Key: Well I heard that… I forget who called in to where but
somebody called in and said, you know, it was the Nation of Islam.
Caller: Well, he was supposed to have been the one. And another
thing… Channel Four said late last night that this leg was supposed to
have had some PVC embedded it. And, you know, you use PVC pipe to pack plastic
explosives in. It greatly increases the detonation of it and the shear power of
it, and it's also a tidy way of handling it.
Finally, there is the unidentified leg found in the rubble of the Murrah
Building. The severed leg, allegedly belonging to a black female, was clothed
in combat boots, two pairs of socks, and an olive military-issue blousing
Authorities eventually claimed the leg belonged to 21-year-old Air Force
Airman Lakesha Levy, who was in the Social Security office at the time of the
What is strange is that there were eight bodies with missing or severed
limbs. If the leg was clothed in military garb, it should have been a simple
task to match it with Levy, who likewise would have been wearing a military
uniform. Eventhough Levy was buried before this leg was found, it should have
been a simple task to go back and see which of the bodies with severed limbs
belonged to military personnel wearing military uniforms. Yet authorities
originally buried a different leg with Levy before finding this one on May 30.
The State Medical Examiner's Office originally claimed the leg belonged
to a white or light-skinned male, most likely under 30 year of age. This
finding was later recanted by the FBI, who "decided" that it belonged to Levy.
Of course, By stating the leg belonged to Levy, the FBI conveniently removed
all speculation as to whom the leg really belonged to. As Stephen Jones stated,
"[Perhaps] the experts are more interested in proving the non-existence of a
different bomber at the scene than validating the Oklahoma Medical
Could the unidentified leg have actually belonged to the real bomber
— a black Muslim prepared to sacrifice himself or herself for the cause?
Perhaps this explains why authorities allegedly recovered no bodies that
matched this leg. It is possible the leg belonged to an additional bomber who
was disintegrated by the blast. This could also explain the confused look Daina
Bradley witnessed on John Doe 2's face after he walked to the back of the Ryder
truck. Perhaps upon opening the door, he was confronted with a comrade who
ordered him away, then set off the device, neatly severing himself or herself
in the process.
While the Nation of Islam (NOI) are supposedly enemies of Al Fuqra, it
should be pointed out that the NOI has forged links with the KKK, the American
Nazi Party, and Tom Metzger's White Aryan Resistance (WAR).
The Tulsa, Oklahoma leader of WAR, Dennis Mahon, freely admitted to
William Jasper and other journalists that the Iraqis paid him $100-a-month
— $4800 total — between 1991 and 1995, to stir up dissent among the
neo-Nazi/White Supremacist community against the Gulf War sanctions. (At least
Mahon believes the money came from the Iraqi embassy.)
A former Grand Dragon of the Ku Klux Klan, Mahon had visited Germany in
an effort to recruit young Germans into the KKK. Also recall that during the
Gulf War, the Anti-Zionist League's Michael Kühnen, working with his old
mercenary friend Michel Faci, negotiated a contract to provide 200 German,
American and British neo-Nazi volunteers to fight alongside Iraqi troops.
As previously discussed, Kühnen was succeeded by a man named
Hubner, who has spoken with Kirk Lyons at meetings of the group "Deutsche
Alternative." Lyons' client was Michael Brescia's roommate Andreas Strassmeir,
a good friend of Dennis Mahon's. A frequent visitor to Elohim City, Mahon was
close friends with Brescia. He almost certainly knew Brescia's friend, Timothy
Again, the question must be asked: Were McVeigh, Nichols, and their
comrades in fact plotting with Arab extremists and their black Muslims
counterparts to blow up the Federal Building, and was Iraq behind it?
As the Washington Post's Jack Anderson stated: "A preferable
revenge for Iraq would involve having a 'surrogate terrorist' carry out
a domestic attack that Hussein could privately take credit for…"
Anderson's analysis may be rather prescient. States and their
intelligence agencies have being using terrorist groups as "cut-outs" for years
in order to maintain deniability. Defense & Foreign Affairs, stated
…despite the important evolution in the role of the terrorist
organizations and other entities through the HizbAllah International, the
actual control over the operations themselves remains firmly in the hands of,
and under the tight control of, the sponsoring states, being perpetrated by
operatives of intelligence services.…
It is through these "organizations" that the sponsoring states in effect
take credit for their terrorist operations and have their message clear and
explicit. Given the marked escalation of international terrorism and the higher
stakes involved, the importance of the front groups "speaking" for the
sponsoring states — particularly Iran and the global Islamic Revolution it
is running — is of growing importance and centrality to international
Another example of such methodology was the World Trade Center bombing.
As Ramzi Yousef's accomplice Mahmud Abu Halima put it, "The planned act was not
as big as what subsequently occurred.… Yousef showed up on the scene…
and escalated the initial plot.… Yousef used [Salameh and the
others]… as pawns and then immediately after the blast left the
country." Some terrorism
experts think Yousef was working for Iraq.
Stephen Jones believes a similar plan unfolded in Oklahoma City. As he
stated in his March 25th Writ of Mandamus:
The plan was arranged for a Middle Eastern bombing engineer to engineer
the bomb in such a way that it could be carefully transported and successfully
detonated. There is no reported incident of neo-Nazis or extreme Right-wing
militants in this country exploding any bomb of any significant size, let alone
one to bring down a nine (9) story federal building and kill 168 persons.…
This terrorist attack was "contracted out" to persons whose organization and
ideology was friendly to policies of the foreign power and included dislike and
hatred of the United States government itself, and possibly included was a
desire for revenge against the United States.…
In November of 1994, Gagan said he made a trip to Mexico City with Omar,
where he ran into a familiar face amongst the terrorist crowd — Frank
Terpil. "I saw him down in Mexico City… with Omar," recalled Gagan. "We
met him in the Zona Rosa area."
A retired CIA communications specialist, Terpil had been convicted,
along with rogue CIA agent Edwin Wilson, of selling 20 tons of C-4 plastic
explosives and 50,000 electronic timers to the Libyan government.
Terpil had also lined his pockets by supplying torture devices to
Ugandan Dictator Idi Amin, and sophisticated detonators and communications
equipment to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. He and Wilson
had also set up a terrorist training camp in Libya, and had recruited U.S.
Green Berets to train Arab terrorists in bombing and assassination techniques.
After being indicted, Terpil fled the country, and was last seen hiding
out in Cuba, until he showed up in Mexico City… with Omar. "They met at
the bar," said Gagan. "Terpil and Omar spoke for about fifteen minutes, alone."
"Who's that dude?" Gagan asked Omar as they left the bar.
"An ex-CIA agent named Terpil," came the answer. "He lives in Cuba."
"Frank Terpil? I thought he was dead? What's up with him?"
"He lives in Cuba. He's hands-off.…"
Considering Terpil's well-documented relationship with Arab terrorists,
and his "wanted" status in the U.S., it is understandable why he would choose
to meet Omar in Mexico City.
Gagan himself was no stranger to Mexico City. As previously discussed,
the Soviets had solicited Gagan's help in 1980 to procure military secrets from
his friend at Martin Marietta. They requested his help again in 1986 to assist
illegal Iranian immigrants who needed false IDs.
While in Mexico Gagan had also met an Austrian, Eduard Bodenzayer, a
Soviet spy, and had been to the Russian embassy repeatedly. As he told Stephen
Jones, "My contacts there were a guy named Vallery and Elyia."
Did Omar, Sam Khalid, or their associates have contact with the
Russians? Considering Khalid's reported ties to the PLO and Hamas, and the long
history of Soviet-Arab cooperation, it is highly likely.
Like Nazis and neo-Nazis who've forged links with Arab terrorists, the
Soviets have provided wide-ranging support to Arab terrorist groups throughout
the years. As James Phillips of the Heritage Foundation writes:
During the 1970s the Soviet Union and its satellites greatly expanded
their support for terrorist groups. Moscow often used Middle Eastern client
states such as Iraq, Libya, Syria, and the former People's Democratic Republic
of South Yemen as intermediaries to mask Soviet arms, training, intelligence,
and logistical support for a wide variety of terrorist groups.
If the Russians were sponsoring their Arab friends in terrorism, it is
likely the Arabs may have wished to maintain further deniability by engaging
the assistance of American neo-Nazis. This possibility became more apparent as
connections were drawn, not only between Dennis Mahon and Iraqi embassy
officials, but between Terry Nichols and Iraqi terrorist Ramzi Yousef, and
between Timothy McVeigh and former Iraqi soldier Hussain al-Hussaini.
This likelihood became clearer after interviewing Michele Torres, the
daughter of a former Communist Party official (P.R.T. Party) in Mexico City. An
intelligent young woman, Michele had been raised under the harsh regimentation
of a person destined for a position in the Communist Party, but had rebelled,
and at age 17, fled to the United States.
Torres recalled the numerous and strange faces that would often pass
through her home and her father's office. Arab men from Jordan, Palestine,
Iraq… she was not allowed to ask them their names or their
Torres also claimed to have overheard conversations between her father
and PLO representatives some years earlier. The meetings, she said, involved
discussions of a bombing plot to be carried out in the U.S.
It was the winter of 1992, and Michele's father, Hirram Torres, was
working in the office of the PLO in Mexico City. He was speaking with a man
from Palestine, and another from Jordan or possibly Iraq. In broken English,
Torres recounts the conversation:
Torres: They were saying: "What do you think about the new plan?"
And the other man says: "Well, we can… the Russian officers told us we can
probably blame the fascists." You know what I mean? "Americans — the
American Patriots, and all the stupid stuff with the white supremacists and the
neo-Nazis. So we can give two strikes at once."
Hoffman: Did he explain what he meant by two strikes?
Torres: They didn't explain it but I understood it.
Hoffman: Did they say anything about the Patriot Movement or the
Torres: They don't say anything about militia. When they want to
talk about militia, they say fascists or neo-Nazis. And when they speak about
Patriots, or Yankees… the way they say. They used to speak about white
supremacists… all Americans… white Americans are white supremacists.
Yankees and fascists.
Hoffman: Tell me what they meant by the two strikes at once.
Torres: They wanted… the Arab people wanted… to make a
terrorist act. They needed to make a terrorist act. There was like, some of the
Arab leaders — wanted to make — wanted to give a strike to the United
States. They didn't even understand why. But at the same time, the Communist
Party tells them that it was a great idea to…
Hoffman: Now are you relating the actual conversation?
Torres: Yes. They were saying that it was… all the time
they were talking about… what the Russian officers told them to do. So
that man who was talking was the Palestinian man — my father told him that
it was very good, and that they would probably find an easy way — an easy
way to blame that kind of people. That he was trying… that he had tried to
contact neo-Nazi people to help him…
Hoffman: Did he say who?
Torres: Yes. He tried to contact any kind of National Socialist
people (American Nazi Party)… I tell you the way I heard it: "We can
probably use those neo-Nazi bastards. I tried to contact them, but they refused
to do it, and they don't want to get involved in that kind of stuff with
Communists. And I don't think anyone can get those fucking idiots, but I don't
care." He said something like, "I don't care. We are anyway going to blame
Hoffman: We don't want to get involved with Communists and that
kind of stuff and what…
Torres: "But anyway can blame them. No matter if they want to
cooperate with us or not." Then he told me… he told that guy that… he
was going to hire a white man.
Hoffman: To act as a neo-Nazi? You mean to play the part of a
Torres: To play the part of a neo-Nazi. And… and to
participate with his comrades… he spoke about his Arab comrades.
Hoffman: In what respect?
Torres: His Arab comrades… and he used to call them brothers
or some kind of thing…
Hoffman: Your father spoke of them this way?
Torres: Yes. But, well, he told it in Russian, that he was —
that boy who they were going to hire, was going to work together with the
Tobarich (Russian for comrade). With the Tobarich.
Hoffman: Do you remember any names — any specific names of
any people — anybody?
Torres: No. That time, they were just going to plan it. That was
Hoffman: This was in the winter of '92?
Torres: Yes. They were just discussing the plan. They didn't even
know the names. My father was… by that time my father was…
Hoffman: Now why do you think so long ago? That's four years
between now and then.
Torres: They always plan it in that way. They take their time,
and always a very long time. They always take a very long time…
Hoffman: Is there anything else about what they discussed that
you haven't told me that you think is important?
Torres: They said they were going to do it in the middle of the
country. And they were going to do it in a business office.
Hoffman: Did they say how big?
Torres: Yes, big. And they wanted… children to be victims of
it. There must be children there — it must be an office where children
were somehow. They had to kill children. Because it was a very important part
of the emotional part of the strike….
Hoffman: Did they ever mention Pan Am 103 or the World Trade
Center bombings in reference?
Torres: They talked something about… trade centers. Anyway
they spoke about trade centers — about places where business were made,
because Americans regard so much their money and their business. That was the
explanation my father gave to the Palestinian guy. They spoke about places
where business were made, and that it was not the only strike they were going
You know one of the reasons I am not scared of this conversation (this
interview) is because I heard — I listen to this kind of conversation all
of my life. My father — he has killed a lot of people — he has done a
lot of wrong things. He was involved…
While Torres' mention of Russian intelligence seems to have all the
makings of a Claire Sterling novel, it should be mentioned that Mexico City is
home to one of the largest Soviet consulates in the Western hemisphere, with
its attendant Soviet intelligence apparatus.
It appears that what Torres was describing was more than a loose-knit
group of terrorists, but a sophisticated centrally-controlled state-sponsored
terrorist apparatus. As Defense & Foreign Affairs stated:
Despite the unprecedented role of the HizbAllah International in the
decision making process, all major terrorist operations remain state-
controlled. These operations are conducted by agencies of states and in pursuit
of the long-term and strategic interests of the controlling and sponsoring
states. The "names" and "profiles" of the organizations and groups issuing the
communiqués and claims constitute an integral component of the state
sponsorship mechanism. These named entities serve a specific function: stating
the identity of the interests involved in, and the outlining of the logic and
objectives behind, these operations without having the sponsoring states assume
Incredible as it sounds, Torres' story may be the key piece of the
puzzle linking the Arab and neo-Nazi contingents. Her story is significant in
light of the fact that Dennis Mahon was being paid by the Iraqis to stir up
dissent amongst the white supremacist community.
Her story also ties into the fact that Omar allegedly met with Frank
Terpil in Mexico City; and Terry Nichols reportedly met with Ramzi Yousef in
Finally, Timothy McVeigh, an alleged white supremacist, was seen with
Hussain al-Hussaini, an Iraqi.
Interestingly, within hours of the blast in Oklahoma City, Radio
Tehran in Iraq had the answer. "…the perpetrators were Christian
extremist militias from Montana and Oklahoma observing the two-year anniversary
of the U.S. government killing of 86 men, women, and children in the Branch
Davidian Waco massacre."
Was Timothy McVeigh the "neo-Nazi bastard" that Michele's father talked
And were the Russians using Middle Eastern terrorists as proxies —
who in turn were using American neo-Nazis — to destabalize the West while
maintaining deniability? While the apparent demise of the Soviet Union
convinced a lot of people that the long-feared Communist threat was over, many
within the intelligence community disagree.
A recent Rueters report quoted Raymond Mislock, Chief of the FBI's
National Security Division, as saying that the Russians "still are on the
scene," and continue to employ intelligence officers in this country. In fact,
the FBI was investigating over 200 cases of suspected Russian espionage
activity at the time of this writing.
And what about Khalid's employees trips to Mexico? Was Khalid liasoning
with terrorists there? Ultimately, the question was, who was Khalid working
Although Louis Crousette avoided any further attempts to contact him, he
left Jayna Davis with one final word of advice. Echoing Hani Kamal's words of
warning regarding Israeli intelligence, Crousette said, "You know who's your
best bet to talk to, if you haven't thought about it… the Mossad."
That final adage led me straight back to Northrop, who stated in his
report that Khalid "fit the role" of a PLO operative, and insisted that the
bombing was the work of Iraqi terrorists. But if Khalid, Hussaini, and Oshan
were simple Arab terrorists — and they had left a trail of evidence a mile
long — why were they still walking around?
In spite of Novel's and Davis' unsuccessful attempts to positively I.D.
Khalid with McVeigh or Nichols, Gagan stated that he had seen Nichols with
Omar, at a meeting which took place just outside of Las Vegas.
The FBI had also investigated Sam Khalid for PLO fundraising activities,
and had looked into the shooting assault of Sharon Twilley.
They had put out an APB on the brown pick-up driven by Hussain
al-Hussaini, which was seen speeding away from the scene of the bombing. And
Hussaini's alibi for the morning of the April 19 was patently false.
KFOR's witnesses who placed Hussaini with McVeigh seemed perfectly
credible, and KFOR had passed on their information to the FBI.
Khalid had access to an auto body shop, and one of Khalid's employees
had been seen abandoning the re-painted pick-up in a nearby apartment complex.
Then there was the mysterious disappearance of Khalid's phone records,
and the strange comments he made to Ernie Cranfield when he was asked why
Abraham Ahmed had been seen hanging around Khalid's place in the brown
Khalid had been placed by Northrop's sources with the same Hamas
operative in Miami — Ramadan Shallah — that Gagan had seen in Las
Finally, Omar (Khalid?) was seen meeting with Frank Terpil — a
rogue CIA agent who had supplied Arab terrorists with several tons of C-4.
Although circumstantial, the facts were sufficient to make an
incontrovertible case, and yet these people seemed to walk through walls. Could
the FBI be so inept? Were their agents so compartmentalized that they couldn't
put two and two together? Or had the Justice Department's investigation become
so politicized that bureaucratic ineptitude had become the desired and
inevitable result? It would seem all of the above, and yet this still seemed
too simple an answer.
Even Northrop's report seemed a bit one-dimensional. While the former
Israeli intelligence agent drew a picture of Arab terrorists forged in the fire
of the PLO, the image that lurked just beneath the surface, one drawn in
invisible ink, was that of intelligence operatives conceived in the secret
chambers of the Mossad… or the CIA.
This was the one remaining possibility that lent credence to the
seemingly irreconcilable facts which presented themselves. After all, why had
the FBI ignored a veritable mountain of damming evidence? Why had they suddenly
and mysteriously canceled the APB on the brown pick up? And why, after 48 hours
of reporting nothing but Middle Eastern connections, did the Justice Department
and their obedient lap dogs of the mainstream press suddenly announce that no
Middle Eastern connection existed?
Certainly the capture of McVeigh and Nichols did not repudiate the
still-standing Middle Eastern connection. Nor could the sudden change have been
the result of information from low-level agents in the field. No. It could have
only been the result of one thing — a strategic decision from the Justice
Department, which had as its basis, a political directive from the White
It was to Washington that Khalid traveled shortly after the bombing,
according to employees, to meet with a Congressional representative. The
purpose? As an emissary to discuss the problem of "Muslim bashing."
Yet KFOR's P.I., Bob Jerlow, claims he spoke to the Representative's
aide who checked the Congressman's schedule and claimed she never saw the name
If Sam Khalid was a run-of-the-mill Arab terrorist who had just played a
role in the biggest terrorist attack in U.S. history, why would he attract
attention to himself by firing shots at Sharon Twilley? A convicted felon like
Khalid would easily earn a stiff prison sentence for possession of a firearm
and assault with a deadly weapon.
Unless he was "protected."
This would tend to explain why he acted so non-chalant towards Ernie
Cranfield, Bob Jerlow, Brad Edwards, and the author. It would likewise tend to
explain the FBI's lack of interest in Khalid.
If Khalid and Hussaini were run-of-the-mill Arab terrorists, what was
Khalid doing meeting with such high-level U.S. officials? It would seem that
President Clinton's publicly televised admonishment not to blame the Arab
community also served as a handy excuse to cover up the Middle Eastern
Yet why would Clinton want to cover up their connection to the bombing?
There are two reasons: First, Clinton needs an excuse to crack down on the
Patriot/Militia community, who represent a threat to Clinton's
anti-constitutional plans for America, and the establishment's plans for a "New
World Order." This Clinton did with a vengeance. Once the Justice Department
had announced the capture of McVeigh and Nichols, the mainstream media, with
information supplied mainly by the Anti-Defamation League of the B'nai B'rith
(ADL), and the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), was able to focus their
anti-militia spotlights, launching vitriolic attacks against anyone connected
with the far-Right. Under the orchestration of the ADL, attacks on the
Patriot/Militia movement continued for months, eventhough there was no
documentable proof of the suspects' connections to the militias, or the
militias' connection to the bombing.
Number two, Clinton and Bush were responsible for bringing individuals
like Hussain al-Hussaini into this country. Between 1992 and 1995, over 18,000
Iraqi refugees and their families were resettled into the U.S. under a largely
unknown and hotly debated program initiated by President Bush and followed up
by President Clinton. They were part of a contingent of Iraqi refugees that
flooded the Saudi border during and after the war, including many former Iraqi
soldiers and deserters.
According to Oklahoma Senator David Boren, approximately 950 of these
former soldiers were resettled in the U.S. in 1992 and 1993. Congressional
Research Service figures indicate that an additional 549 soldiers were
resettled in 1994, and 219 in 1995.
A "Sense of the Congress" resolution initiated by Republicans Don
Manzulla of Illinois and Clifford Stearns of Florida attempted to halt the
"We're rolling out the welcome wagon to prisoners of war, yet our own
veterans who fought there are having trouble getting any help," Sterns said.
Some of the refugees included Shi'ite Muslims who were oppressed by Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein and in some cases rebelled against him. Others
included Iraqi soldiers who Hussein vowed to execute because they didn't fight
to the death. "I'm sympathetic with the idea that people who opposed Saddam
Hussein should not be allowed to be massacred," said Tennessee State Republican
Representative John L. 'Jimmy' Duncan Jr., "but we should give the benefit of
the doubt to our own people and put the burden of proof on the people who want
to come in."
In spite of the resolutions, the White House backed the program,
officially admitting approximately 18,000 Iraqi refugees into the U.S.
According to Manzulla's office, the figure may be higher. Some figures put
approximately 5,000 Iraqis in the Tulsa and Oklahoma City areas alone.
Others fear that such a resettlement would create a sort of "blowback."
The U.S. already has Muslim extremist cells, and it is difficult to gather
accurate intelligence on all those admitted under the program. According to the
Congressional Research Service Report, "…there has been no contact with
Kuwaiti intelligence services in the effort to verify that the refugees are not
If Hussain al-Hussaini, a former Iraqi officer, was resettled into the
U.S., it is possible — highly possible in fact — that he was
recruited by the CIA or DIA as part of a deal.
There is a precedent for such collaboration. In 1949 and 1950 the
National Security Council issued NSC Intelligence Directive 13 and 14, which
expanded the CIA's authority to function inside the U.S. (in violation of the
CIA's charter.) One of their programs involved bringing "favored European
exiles" into the country.
"Favored European exiles" was a euphemism for Nazi war criminals.
It may not be fair to compare Iraqi war refugees with Nazi war criminals
or Islamic terrorists. But given the United States' precedent in using
expatriated Nazis and Cubans for their covert operations, and the extremely
low-key nature of the Bush/Clinton Iraqi resettlement program, one has to
wonder what Hussaini's real purpose was.
As former Pentagon investigator Gene Wheaton observes: "Every major
Middle-Eastern terrorist organization is under surveillance and control of the
intelligence agencies in the U.S. None of these guys move around as freely as
they'd like you to think."
If Hussaini was working for the Mossad, the FBI, the DIA, or the CIA,
who have been known to cooperate with each other on "special projects," he may
have been a double-agent, working for Iraq at the same time. Remember that
Saddam Hussein had threatened revenge against the United States ("Does the
United States realize the meaning of opening the stores of the world with the
will of Iraqi people?...Does it realize the meaning of every Iraqi becoming a
missile that can cross to countries and cities?")
If an element of the United States Government played a role in the
destruction of the Alfred P. Murrah Building, using an Arab to do its dirty
work would prove far easier than attempting to recruit an American citizen.
Sam Khalid's ability to monitor the activities of a group of Middle
Easterners with dubious connections (through hiring and renting homes to Arab
immigrants), and his status as former felon, make him a likely candidate as an
operative or informant.
Was he playing both sides of the fence?
Politically, the government's refusal to concede the complicity of Iraq
in the World Trade Center bombing, and possibly to the Oklahoma City bombing,
may stem from its desire to halt any public outcry against U.S. policies. One
major example is the government's refusal to face the consequences of its
immoral, brutal, and devastating actions in the Gulf.
Dr. Laurie Mylroie believes the Clinton administration's failure to
address the problem lies in its refusal to face the specter of state-sponsored
terrorism. Instead it chooses to adopt a microcosmic "law-enforcement" approach
to what she perceives as an international problem — hence the focus on
Moreover, the White House may not want to admit the specter of
state-sponsored terrorism because it might panic the populace. Such is the case
of a state-sponsored biological attack which has been increasingly threatening
If Iraq indeed proved to be behind the Oklahoma City bombing, it would
not fare well for the Clinton administration, who followed up on President
Bush's Iraqi resettlement program. It would not fare well for Bush and his
business and political cronies — the same CIA/Iran-Contra coterie who
armed and fueled Saddam Hussein's military machine with conventional and
And it would preclude this same international arms/drugs cabal from
profiteering by re-supplying Iraq in the future. In short, it would preclude
"business as usual."
Whatever the reason, certainly the public wasn't being told the full
truth about the Oklahoma City bombing. They would never be allowed to glimpse
any evidence of the Middle Eastern connection.
Yet this was only part of the picture.