"The Chickens are coming home to roost." —
Like the Reischtag fire, the Oklahoma City bombing served as the
catalyst to impose a new wave of draconian legislation on the American
The bombing also dovetailed perfectly with the policy of blaming
pre-arranged groups, developed in early 1980s by the CIA's Vince Cannistraro
working in tandem with Oliver North to develop the policy that was used to
divert attention onto Libya in the Lockerbie bombing.
The CIA had established a precedent for such policies more than forty
years ago in Italy and Greece, when the OSS intervened in those countries'
elections by supporting fascist collaborators who would attack the population
and disrupt political proceedings. Through Operation SHEEPSKIN, the CIA worked
with former Nazi collaborators in Greece to institute a campaign of black
propaganda, terrorist bombings and other provocations to be blamed on the Left,
resulting in a fascist coup and the murder and repression of thousands.
The CIA helped create a "Strategy of Tension" in Italy through
collaboration with the Mafia, corrupt Italian secret services, and fascists
working through Masonic Mafia-linked societies such as Licio Gelli's Propaganda
Due (P2 Lodge). Gelli (AKA: the "Puppet Master") had been friends with fascists
such as Italian Dictator Benito Mussolini, Croatia's Dr Pavlic, and Juan Peron
of Argentina, and had also fought with the fascist Italian Blackshirt division
during the Spanish Civil War.
Gelli's P2 and elements within the Vatican (such as Father Krujoslav
Dragonovic, a Croatian Catholic priest — one of many who had helped the
CIA export Nazi war criminals out of Germany through its Rat Lines), working in
conjunction with the CIA, aligned itself with criminals, corrupt police, and
high government officials to discredit the emerging Left and stage a
fascist coup. "The Vatican's fear was clear: Communism posed a threat to its
religious, political, and economic strength."
On behalf of democracy, the Mafia enlisted as their agent Salvatore
Giuliano. He and his cousin Gaspere Pisciotta led their men into Portella della
Ginestra. Without prejudice, they shot and killed a dozen people and wounded
more than fifty others. New elections were held, and the Christian Democratic
party won a resounding victory. Later, at the orders of the Mafia, Pisciotta
murdered Salvatore Giuliano. At his trial, Gaspere Pisciotta said of the
massacre, "We were a single body: bandits, police, and Mafia, like the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Ghost."
P2 — essentially a Right-wing parallel government, was aligned with
a super-secret Italian organization called Il Gladio — set up in 1956 with
the help of British Intelligence and the CIA. Gladio was part and parcel of MI5
and the CIA's 1948 efforts to establish a European "Stay Behind" network of
guerrilla fighters who would conduct covert operations after a Soviet invasion
— using arms and explosives which had been previously cached.
This network was conceived by the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, and
organized by the NSC, which set up the Office of Policy Co-ordination to run
it, staffed and funded by the CIA. Like Operation SHEEPSKIN, most of the
so-called "freedom fighters" it recruited were little more than fascist
collaborators from WWII. And like the Nazi organization ODESSA with which it
often collaborated, its tentacles extended throughout Europe and Latin America,
and even the United States.
While the main focus of Gladio was to resist a potential Soviet
invasion, its fascist roots and violent history indicate it has served mainly
as a policy instrument to resist internal subversion — through
terrorist means. This goal was revealed in a briefing minute of June 1, 1959,
which stated Gladio's concern with "internal subversion" and it's determination
to play a role in the "politics of emergency." This emergency would come about
during the 1960s and 1970s with the emergence of the anti-Capitalist movement,
and the shift from the Center to the Left by the ruling Christian Democratic
The covert objectives of Gladio were to spread panic and unrest through
the implementation of "terrorist outrages," and also to directly attack the
Left in an attempt to provoke them into an armed response. The purpose of this
strategy was to demonize the Left and isolate them from popular support, while
providing an excuse to curtain civil liberties. As a 1969 memo from Aginter
Press, a fascist front group, explained:
Our belief is that the first phase of political activity ought to be to
create the conditions favouring the installation of chaos in all of the
regime's structures. This should necessarily begin with the undermining of the
state economy so as to arrive at confusion throughout the whole legal
apparatus. This leads on to a situation of strong political tension, fear in
the world of industry and hostility towards the government and the political
parties.… In our view the first move we should make is to destroy the
structure of the democratic state, under the cover of communist and pro-Chinese
activities. Moreover, we have people who have infiltrated these groups and
obviously we will have to tailor our actions to the ethos of the milieu —
propaganda and action of a sort which will seem to have emanated from our
communist adversaries and pressure brought to bear on people in whom power is
invested at every level. That will create a feeling of hostility towards those
who threaten the people of each and every nation, and at the same time we must
raise up a defender of the citizenry against the disintegration brought about
by terrorism and subversion.…
General Gerardo Serravalle, head of "Office R" from 1971-1974 (the
secret service office that controlled Gladio), revealed that at a Gladio
meeting in 1972, at least half of the upper echelons "had the idea of attacking
the Communists before an invasion. They were preparing for civil
war." As the 1969 dispatch
The introduction of provocateur elements into the circles of the
revolutionary left is merely a reflection of the wish to push this unstable
situation to breaking point and create a climate of chaos…
One early Gladio-precipitated incident was the December, 12, 1969
bombing of the Banca Nazionale del' Agricultura in Milan's Piazza Fontana. The
attack killed 16 people and wounded 88. Police immediatly arrested and blamed
anarchists. One anarchist leader, Giuseppe Pinelli, took the fall for the
bombing, literally, when police tossed him out the window of the local precinct
In addition to this, the Procurator General of the Republic, De Peppo,
ordered the one unexploded bomb found in the wreckage to be detonated
immediately. As in Oklahoma, the destruction of this evidence destroyed the
single best chance at uncovering the true perpetrators of the deadly
Nevertheless, police eventually discovered the real perpetrators —
two fascists: Franco Freda and Giovanni Ventura. Ventura, it seems, was in
close contact with Colonel Guido Giannettinni of the SID (part of the secret
services), who was a fervent supporter of MSI. The trial of Ventura and Freda
was delayed for 12 years, when they were finally given life sentences, only to
be cleared on appeal.
Former Gladio agents also attributed the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing and
the 1974 [and subsequent 1980] Bologna bombings, which resulted in over 113
deaths and 185 injured, to P2. These attacks include the Mafia's involvement in
the Red Brigade's kidnap and murder of Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro in
1978. The P2 organization was also suspected of the 1976 assassination of
Italian magistrate Vittoria Occorsio. Occorsio was investigating P2 links to
neo-Nazi organizations at the time. His death conveniently terminated any
This "strategy of tension," organized around a brutal campaign of terror
and murder, resulted in the deaths of hundreds of people during the decades of
the 1970s and '80s. The wave of terror led to the severe restriction of civil
rights, with the 1975 law restricting popular campaigning and radical political
discussion. Many people were locked up under "anti-terrorist" legislation
(sound familiar?) or expelled from the country.
As the Left (the Red Brigades) resorted to armed struggle to defend
themselves, it only strengthened Gladio/P2's position. The Red Brigades, which
had been systematically infiltrated by the secret services, were repeatedly
blamed for the attacks, all the while unknowingly serving the agenda of the
fascist P2 establishment.
One unforgetable example of this wave of terror was the Bologna railway
bombing in 1980, that killed 80 people and injured over 160. While reportedly
masterminded by P2 members Stefano Delle Chiaie and Licio Gelli, the attack was
blamed on the Red Brigades to discredit the Italian Communist party. According
to author Steve Mizrach:
Some Italian political analysts believe that P2 and "Ordine Nuova" (New
Order) may have cooperated with the CIA [to bomb the railway station].…
There are clearly overlapping circles of membership between P2, the CIA, and
the Knights of Malta, a "sovereign military order descended from the Knights of
St. John-Hospitallers," and whose membership in the U.S. has included Bill
Casey, Alexander Haig, and Prescott Bush [and reportedly George Bush].
This covertly-orchestrated "strategy of tension" would repeat itself in
Belgium in the mid-80s, in a bizarre series of killings called the "Supermarket
Massacres," in which hooded gunmen walked into crowded supermarkets and began
firing away. The massacres, orchestrated by a group calling itself the "Killers
of Brabant," were later discovered to be linked to Belgium's Gladio unit.
The Supermarket massacres occurred during the period when the U.S. was
pushing a plan to base the Euro-Missiles (nuclear-tipped Cruise missiles) in
different European countries. The plan led to huge demonstrations in Europe,
with certain countries threatening to break ranks with NATO. Belgium was one of
those countries. The Belgian Parliament, which investigated the incidents, felt
that they were another attempt to sow confusion and fear among the populace,
thereby generating public outcries for a law-and-order government which would
be amenable to the Euro-Missles.
Proof surfaced when a former gendarme, Madani Bouhouche, who worked for
state security and was a member of a neo-Nazi paramilitary group Westland New
Post (WNP), was arrested with one of the murder weapons. The next day,
Bouhouche's friend and fellow Right-wing militant Jean Bultot fled to Paraguay
(a popular respite for Nazis). While in Paraguay, Bultot admitted to Belgian
journalist René Haquin that the killings were a state security
destabilization operation with government participation "at every level."
On January 25, 1988, another former gendarme, Robert Beyer, who police
caught with a file of state security agents and addresses of garages filled
with stolen arms, stated on Belgian television that state security had provided
the weapons used by the killers.
One of the attacks, the 1982 bombing of a Synagogue on the Rue de la
Régence in Brussels, was linked to a security guard for the Wackenhut
Corporation — Marcel Barbier. An ardent anti-Semite and member of the WNP,
Barbier had been guarding the synagogue when it was attacked. In August of
1993, police discovered plans of the synagogue in Barbier's home, with detailed
points of access. The Belgian director of Wackenhut at the time was
Jean-Francis Calmette, a member of the WNP.
The parallel to the European "Strategy of Tension" is strikingly similar
to the Oklahoma City bombing. The U.S. establishment, which has sought to
demonize the Patriot/Militia Movement in the aftermath of the attack, is
following the exact same path that Gladio/P2 followed a decade earlier. Their
links and associations to P2 (which will be detailed in Volume Two) make the
parallel all the more ominous.
In 1994, a car-bomb blew up a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires,
killing 87 people. Police blamed the attack on unnamed Arab militants. Yet in
July of 1996, Argentine authorities arrested 17 police officers in connection
with the attack.
On October 3, 1980 the Paris synagogue on rue Copernic was bombed,
killing four people and injuring 24 others. In media reports suspiciously
similar to the Oklahoma City bombing, it was announced that "Right-wing"
extremists were involved. Yet French intelligence pointed fingers at the
Mossad. One French Intelligence report stated:
On April 6, 1979, the same Mossad terror unit now suspected of the
Copernicus carnage blew up the heavily guarded plant of CNIM industries at La
Seyne-sur-Mer, near Toulon, in southeast France, where a consortium of French
firms was building a nuclear reactor for Iraq.… The Mossad salted the site
of the CNIM bomb blast with 'clues' followed up with anonymous phone calls to
police — suggesting that the sabotage was the work of a conservative
Two years later, six people were killed and 22 injured when terrorists
attacked Goldenberger's Deli in Paris. Again, "Right-wing extremists" were
blamed. Implicated in the attack was one Jean-Marc Rouillan, leader of a
mysterious Left-wing group called Direct Action. While the real facts were
being covered up by the government, angry French intelligence officers —
some who had quit in disgust — decided to leak the story to the Algerian
National News Service. Rouillan, it turns out, had been operating in the
Mediterranean under the cover name of "Sebas" and had been linked to the
Illustrating the concept of trained killers who work on a "need-to-know"
basis, former Mossad Agent Ari Ben-Menashe describes how Abu Abbas launched an
attack on the Greek Cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. According to
Ben-Menashe, Rafi Eitan, the director of Lakam, a super-secret agency in
the Israeli Ministry of Defense, gave orders to former Jordanian Army Colonel
Mohammed Radi Abdullah,[Libel -
1391] who passed on instructions to Abu'l Abbas, leader of the
Tunis-based PLF, who in turn was receiving millions from Israeli intelligence
officers posing as Sicilian dons. Abbas' orders were to "make it look bad," and
to show what a deadly, cutthroat bunch the Palestinians were." The "terrorists"
complied by killing Leon Klinghoffer, an elderly Jewish man in a wheelchair,
then throwing his body overboard. As Ben-Menashe states, the entire operation
was nothing more than an "Israeli 'black' propaganda operation."
Nidal began his long and bloody career in the PLO, only to become a
bitter rival of Yasser Arafat. It was a situation that the Israeli Mossad, in a
manner similar to their CIA cousins, would seek to exploit. As Middle East
expert Patrick Seale writes:
Israeli penetration of Palestinian organizations was common, but it was
clearly not the whole story. Most intelligence sources I consulted agreed that
it was standard practice to use penetration agents not simply to neutralize or
destroy the enemy but to try to manipulate him so that he did one's bidding
without always being aware of doing so.…
Whatever jobs [Abu Nidal] might have done for Arab sponsors, and they
had been numerous and nasty, he had done many other jobs from which Israel
alone appeared to benefit."
Confirming Seale's theory are top Middle East terrorism experts,
including intelligence officers in Arab countries, and even within Abu Nidal's
own organization. One French terrorism expert stated: "If Abu Nidal himself is
not an Israeli agent, then two or three of his senior people most certainly
are. Nothing else can explain some of his operations…"
A former senior Jordanian intelligence officer said: "Scratch around
inside Abu Nidal's organization and you will find Mossad."
Backing up these reports was a former member of Abu Nidal's own Justice
Committee, who told Seale that Mossad agents captured by Abu Nidal were usually
killed very quickly to prevent them from confessing their true motives.
Abu Iyad, former chief of PLO Intelligence, added, "Every Palestinian
who works in intelligence is convinced that Israel has a big hand in Abu
Nidal's organization has been responsible for some of the most brutal
acts of terrorism in the world. According to the State Department, Abu Nidal
has carried out more than 100 acts or terrorism that have resulted in the
deaths of over 280 people. Some of these attacks include the 1986 grenade and
machine-gun assaults on El Al counters at the Rome and Vienna airports, attacks
on synagogues, and assassinations of Palestinian moderates.
He (Iyad) had told me that Abu Nidal's murdering Palestinian moderates
was connected with [former Israeli Prime Minister] Begin's determination never
to negotiate with Palestinians for fear of losing the West Bank. For Begin (who
had once called the Palestinians "two-legged animals" worthy of extinction),
the moderates, who wanted to negotiate, were the real danger and had to be
eliminated. If the Israelis had in fact infiltrated Abu Nidal's organization,
perhaps some spymaster in Jerusalem had said, 'We've got someone who can do the
job for us.'
Abu Nidal's most well-known attack was on a Greek cruise ship in 1988
that left nine people dead and 80 wounded. As Seale points out regarding the
attack on the vessel City of Poros, "no conceivable Palestinian or Arab
interest was served by such random savagery." In fact, Greece was the European
country most sympathetic to the Palestinian cause, its prime minister, Andreas
Papandreou, often defending Arabs against Israel's charges of terrorism. After
the attack, Greece was furious with the Palestinians, who had damaged the Greek
tourist trade and hastened the fall of the Papandreou regime. The motive, as in
the Achille Lauro attack, was apparently to cast the Palestinians as
heartless murderers. Several sources that Seale consulted were convinced the
attack was a typical Mossad operation.
What is curious is that Israel has never punished Abu Nidal's
organization. Israel has a long-standing policy of launching immediate and
massive retaliation against any terrorist attack. While Israeli forces have
bombed, shelled and raided Palestinian and Shi'ite positions in Lebanon, and
have sent hit teams to kill Palestinian guerrilla leaders in other countries,
they have never attacked Abu Nidal. Given Israel's harsh and unrelenting policy
of retribution against terrorist attacks, this seems more than a bit bizarre.
As Seale concludes:
Abu Nidal is a professional killer who has sold his deadly services
certainly to the Arabs and perhaps to the Israelis as well. His genius has been
to understand that states will commit any crime in the name of national
interest. A criminal like Abu Nidal can flourish doing their dirty work.
Former DEA agent Mike Levine described how an organization called the
"Triangle of Death," founded by Nazis, would blow up whole planes to kill one
person. The organization, based in Paraguay, ran heroin and cocaine, and
committed murders for the French Secret Service. "The quid pro quo agreement
they had with the CIA and the French Secret Service," said Levine, "is that you
protect us and we'll do you favors. And they did, and they got their
One of the most recent examples of the use of "false flags" (scapegoats)
was the November 4, 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.
In a classic case of political demonizing strikingly similar to the Oklahoma
City bombing, the gunman, Yigal Amir, was held out to be a "Right-wing
fanatic." As William Jasper writes:
The alleged gunman, Yigal Amir, was said to be a "fanatic Jewish
fundamentalist." What's more, we were told repeatedly, he was part of a
conspiracy of "religious extremists" — a conspiracy so nefarious and
immense, mind you, that it had achieved meteorological significance, creating a
"climate of hate" and an "atmosphere of violence." According to Time
magazine, Rabin's opponents had created climatologically "the equivalent of the
Right-wing milieu that led to the Oklahoma City bombing." In fact, said
Time, even if Amir had acted alone, "he had many ideational
But unlike the massive cover-up obsfucating the Oklahoma City bombing,
it didn't take long for investigators to discover that Amir was actually a paid
informant for the Israeli security service, the Shabak. Amir had been
inexplicably allowed through Rabin's protective security perimeter, and his
suspected accomplice — leader of the Right-wing extremist group Eyal,
Avishai Raviv, turned out to be a Shin Bet operative (General Security Service,
the Israeli equivalent to the FBI).
Rabin's controversial peace talks with the Palestinians — which
would have sacrificed significant amounts of land and compromised Israel's
security — had made him highly unpopular with Right-wing elements,
including traditional Jews and many military officials. In fact, Hamas suicide
bombers were wrecking havoc with Israel's population. A writer in the
Jerusalem Post wrote: "If Yizhak Rabin were alive .... he would probably
have been asked to resign."
The irony was that the Shin Bet was controlled by Rabin himself, who had
personally selected its head, and served as its supreme chief. In a policy
suspiciously similar to the Oklahoma City situation, instead of employing the
Shin Bet to protect Israelis from Arab terrorists — its primary task
— Rabin employed them to infiltrate and smear his Right-wing opponents.
Politicizing the Shin Bet for his own purposes, Rabin began orchestrating an
Israeli version of COINTELPRO (the FBI's program of infiltrating and
compromising the anti-war and New Left movements of the 1960s and '70s, and
which is going on today against the militias). This included setting up phony
Right-wing militant groups such as Raviv's Eyal.
As Rabin's popularity ratings dropped to a mere 32 percent, he escalated
his dirty-tricks campaign, using agents provocateur to attack and smear the
Prime Minister, who would then publicly criticize them for planning public
disorder. Raviv's job was to distribute fervid "anti-government literature"
which contributed to the "climate of hate" that allegedly motivated Amir. The
coup de etat in this covert campaign would come in the form of a phony
assassination attempt on Rabin himself. The Shin Bet would foil the gunman at
the last moment, and all the world would see first-hand evidence of the crazy
Yet, like the disastrous sting attempt in Oklahoma City, this covert
operation went horribly wrong. When Amir realized that his mentor, Raviv, was a
Shin Bet operative, he cleverly fed him false information. Certain that the
boastful and talkative Amir would inform his trusted mentor of the moment of
his attack (as the FBI assumed with Emad Salem in the World Trade Center
bombing), the Shin Bet dropped their guard, and Rabin paid the price for his
At least that is what is obvious. What is not obvious is why the Shin
Bet, who not only controlled Raviv but had ample notice of the threat on the
Prime Minister's life, failed to prevent the assassination. As authors Uri Dan
and Dennis Eisenberg note: "No human shield was formed around Rabin,
surveillance of the crowd was lax, Rabin wasn't wearing a bullet-proof vest,
and an [apparently] unknown 25-year-old was able to gain unobstructed access to
Rabin." The parallels to the
Oklahoma City bombing are all too familiar.
Naturally, Prime Minister Shimon Peres, like his counterpart, President
Clinton in regards to Oklahoma, would promote the idea that Rabin was killed by
a pair of disgruntled "Right-wingers. And like his American counterpart, Peres
promised to crack down on "political dissent."
On his August 19, 1995 radio address, President Clinton complained that
Congress still had not passed "his" Anti-Terrorism Bill. "It's hard to imagine
what more must happen to convince Congress to pass that bill," Clinton warned,
in the manner of an ominously veiled threat.
Then just two months later, on October 9, the nation witnessed its first
attack on a passenger train, when Amtrak's "Sunset Limited" was derailed while
enroute from Phoenix to San Diego. The derailment, caused by sabotage, resulted
in over 100 injuries, including one death.
The terrorists left behind a cryptic note, calling themselves the "Sons
of the Gestapo." The mainstream press quickly jumped on this latest "terrorist"
attack, coming as it did only six months after the Oklahoma City bombing. While
no one, including law-enforcement officials, had ever heard of the "Sons of the
Gestapo," the purveyors of deception immediately played it up as the obvious
work of a "Right-wing" militia group.
FBI officials were more cautious however, speculating that the attack
may have been the result of a "disgruntled employee." Exhaustive searches
through numerous data-bases revealed no group called "Sons of the Gestapo," and
only someone with the technical knowledge necessary to disable a warning system
on a railroad track would be capable of executing such a stunt.
It may not have mattered however. In the aftermath of the Oklahoma City
bombing, any such attack on American citizens would be excuse enough to push
the Anti-Terrorism Bill through Congress. And the press and anti-militia
activists such as the ADL and the SPLC were eager to jump on the militia
connection. "Sons of the Gestapo," they asserted, could only be the pseudonym
for a Right-wing hate-group.
Yet law-enforcement officials had only an enigmatic message to guide
them. The note left behind by the saboteurs rallied against the ATF and FBI for
their actions at Waco and Ruby Ridge, and stated, "This is not Nazi Germany."
Why anyone would attack a passenger train to exact revenge on government
officials for killing innocent civilians (or blow up babies as revenge for
killing children) is beyond credulity. Yet, as in the Oklahoma City case, this
was the message that the saboteurs — and the government-controlled press
— wanted us to believe. America was filled with hateful Right-wing
extremists who would do anything — kill anyone, women, children, babies
— to pursue their violent anti-government agenda.
As Attorney General Janet Reno announced in the Oklahoma City case, so
the local U.S. Attorney, Janet Napolitano would declare: "We are going to
pursue every bit of evidence and every lead very thoroughly… until we find
the person or persons who committed this crime."
While the FBI swarmed through Maricopa County, interrogating local
residents and harassing the few isolated "desert rats" who inhabited the
surrounding countryside, a real investigation was being conducted by a
lone Maricopa County Sheriff. With the assistance of Craig Roberts, a retired
Tulsa police officer with military intelligence experience who worked on the
Oklahoma City investigation, the Sheriff was able to uncover some amazing
What they found was that other than rescue vehicles, there were no
vehicle tracks entering or exiting the crash site. Moreover, the site itself
was extremely remote, being near the summit of the rugged Gila Bend Mountains,
which surrounded the site to the east, north, and west. It was there, along a
sharp S-curve, that the perpetrators had pulled 29 spikes from the tracks,
causing the fatal crash.
Why had the perpetrators chosen such a remote location, Roberts
wondered? Had they picked a more accessible spot, he reasoned, it would have
surely lessened their chances of being caught, as all they would have had to do
was drive to the nearest highway. In this case, the nearest road was Highway 8,
38 miles away, necessitating a difficult drive over rugged terrain, at the same
time as law-enforcement officers would surely be on a heightened state of
What Roberts and his sheriff partner also discovered was that 90 minutes
away by air, in Pinal County, was a mysterious air-base known as Marana. The
locked-down facility was owned by Evergreen, Inc., a government contractor
reportedly involved in drug smuggling during the Iran-Contra period. The base,
located off of Highway 10 between Phoenix and Tucson, was the site of strange
night-time training maneuvers involving black and unmarked military-type
helicopters. Passersby had also witnessed black-clad troops dropping into the
desert en mass, using steerable black "Paracommander" parachutes.
This began to raise some interesting possibilities. Had the perpetrators
been dropped into the site by air, then picked up by chopper? Both Roberts and
his colleague at the Sheriff's Department were experienced military pilots.
They observed that it would have been easy for a helicopter to fly low through
the mountain passes, avoiding radar, and insert and extract a team. As Roberts
noted, "A full moon, wind out of the south at 8 knots, and a clear sky…
would be an ideal night for air operations."
The possibilities of a covert paramilitary commando team being
responsible for the attack raised more than a few eyebrows at the Maricopa
County Sheriff's Department, until they began investigating a lead provided by
a sympathetic FBI agent that several hikers had seen a small group of
parachuters drop into the desert that night. They also discovered the following
…a VFR target squawking 1200 that left Tri-City airfield in
Albuquerque on a southwest course, climbed to 10,500 feet, then, when it was
exactly due east of the Amtrak site, turn due west and flew a course line that
took it one mile south of the site. But just before arriving over the site, it
dropped to 8,500 feet. After crossing the target zone, it turned on a
southwesterly course towards California at 8,500 feet. Albuquerque contacted
the Los Angeles Center which tracked the aircraft to a landing at Montgomery
Field in San Diego.… It crossed the valley south of the bridge at 1940
hours (7:40 p.m.)
Since the winds that night were at 8 knots out of the south, a drop one
mile from the target site would compensate for wind drift. Moreover, such a
flight is not required to file a flight plan listing its passengers, and an
aircraft flying out of Albuquerque, squawking on transponder 1200 wouldn't look
When they checked with the refueler at Montgomery Field, the records
indicated that the "N" number checked to a Beachcraft, registered to Raytheon.
Raytheon owns E-systems. Like Evergreen, E-Systems, based in Greenville, Texas,
is a covert government contractor, reportedly involved in drug-running. The NSA
contractor allegedly developed sophisticated systems to create electronic
"holes" which would allow planes to cross the border without tripping the NORAD
Early Warning Systems. E-Systems, which is reputed to have "wet-teams"
(assassination teams), was directed by former NSA Director and CIA Deputy
Director Bobby Ray Inman.
While it is possible a jump was made from the twin-engine Beechcraft, a
plane commonly used for such purposes, it still left the problem of the team's
extraction. With the radar track information, the Maricopa Sheriff then went to
the Air Force at Yuma, who monitor the Aerostat radar drug balloons. The DEA
balloons have "look-down" capability for detecting low-flying aircraft. The
Master Sergeant at Yuma agreed to help out. A short time later he called
"Sorry," he said. "We can't help you out."
"What? Why?" asked Jack.
"The plug's been pulled."
"What does that mean?"
The sergeant sounded very uncomfortable when he replied. "We really
wanted to check this out, but all I can say is the balloons were down that
"Why?" asked Jack.
"All of them?" asked Jack, incredulously.
"Yes, sir." The sergeant sounded very nervous.
"All I can tell you is that they were ordered down for maintenance. It
came from above my pay grade."
One has to wonder what "above my pay grade" means. Why would all
the balloons be ordered down for maintenance? Obviously, a cover-up was in
It was beginning to sound suspiciously like the hurried demolition of
the Oklahoma Federal Building, to prevent any independent forensic analysis of
the bomb site. Or the Secret Service removing President Kennedy's protective
bubble from his limousine; failing to secure the windows and rooftops along the
parade route; and changing the route at the last minute.
Like the two foregoing examples, only the government — or shadow
elements within the government — had the capability of pulling that off.
No "lone nut" or criminal syndicate could order such last-minute changes, or
orchestrate such a massive and well-executed cover-up. Moreover, no militia
group could order all the radar balloons down on the night of the attack.
As a Maricopa County resident stated to the Arizona Republic
regarding the FBI's so-called militia theory, "Buddy, you can't get three
people out here to get together on what kind of pickup to drive, and you think
we're going to form a militia?"
Obviously, no militia would benefit from such an attack. And what about
the "Sons of the Gestapo?" As Roberts wrote: "…as an old Southeast Asia
hand (a marine sniper during Vietnam), I remember that one of the terms used by
Phoenix Program assassins working under MACV-SOG (Military Advisory Command,
Studies and Observations Group) was a twisted bar-room version of the last
acronym. "Yeah," a drunk trooper would mention. "I'm SOG… a son of the
The Phoenix assassination program, as previously discussed, was
organized by the CIA's William Colby, Ted Shackley, and fielded by General John
Singlaub. Singlaub commanded Second Lieutenant Oliver North. Shackley,
Singlaub, and North would go on to orchestrate the secret and illegal
Iran-Contra operation, smuggling drugs into this country at such places as
Mena, Arkansas… and Marana.
Curiously, whenever Iran-Contra drug shipments came in for the
California run, the drug balloons under "Operation Watchtower" were shut down.
Could this be the same mechanism that shut them down the night of the attack?
Then, in September of 1997, a confidential FBI memo intended for the
U.S. Attorney's Office in Phoenix was accidentally faxed to the Arizona
Republic, the Associated Press, and other news media. The memo states that
the FBI's prime suspect is "a man with law enforcement and firefighting
experience who recently moved out of Arizona."
Apparently, the "Sons of the Gestapo" note left behind was a "false
flag," a distraction designed to serve a political purpose. In this case, that
purpose — like the Oklahoma bombing which preceded it — was to
connect the Amtrak attack with the Patriot/Militia movement. Considering the
reaction of the mainstream press, it appears they have largely succeeded.
Interestingly, the same year as the Oklahoma City bombing, a grenade
exploded near the Citibank building in Manila. Another hit the Shell Petroleum
building. Four people were injured. The military claimed the blasts were
political statements from the leftist Alex Boncayao Brigade (ABB). Yet five Philippine Congressmen
accused the military of carrying out the attack to justify the passage of
The strongest accusation came from Makati Congressman Joker Arroyo, who
said the bombings could not have been staged by the insurrectionary group, the
Alex Boncayao Brigade or bank robbers.
"I don't think it is the ABB nor a bank robbery group as what the police
investigators said. Only the military has the capability of using grenade
launchers," Arroyo commented.
The U.S. certainly had its own share of manufactured incidents, ranging
from the sinking of the Lustitania to the Gulf of Tonkin incident. Yet
in the recent annals of CIA-connected provocations, probably no better example
exists than the 1985 bombing of the La Belle Discotheque. The April 5th attack
in Berlin killed two U.S. servicemen and a Turkish woman, and left 200 others
injured, including 50 G.I.s.
Lybia was quickly blamed by the U.S. for the attack. Propagandized by
the American press as the preeminent sponsor of terrorism, Lybia had early on
incurred the wrath of the U.S. by attempting to throw off the yoke of British
and U.S. imperialism. Libyan President Muammar al-Qaddafi, who came to power in
1969, nationalized oil production and shut down U.S. military bases. Qaddafi
began using the wealth formerly exported to multinational corporations to
improve the living standards of his own people. Huge strides were made in
education, housing, medicine and agriculture in a county in which the literacy
rate had increased tenfold since 1969. While actually having the gall to defer
to his own people instead of the multinationals, Qaddafi made the mistake of
supporting national liberation and social justice movements — assisting
such groups as the Sandinistas, the Basques, the Kurds, and the
unfortunately, also included such terrorists as Abu Nidal.
In 1980, Ronald Reagan came to power on a pledge to restore U.S.
military might and prestige around the world (and also by making a deal with
the Iranians to hold the hostages until after his election. This little scandal
was known as "October Surprise.").
He had also pledged to combat terrorism (apparently, terrorism sponsored
by Reagan in Nicaragua and El Salvador was exempt from such a pledge),
and on the top of his hit-list was Libya. One of Reagan's first acts was to
order the CIA to destabilize, overthrow, and assassinate Qaddafi. The attempts
not only failed, but resulted in a covert battle of nerves and dead bodies
scattered across Europe. After Abu Nidal's attacks on the Rome and Vienna
airports in December of 1986, Reagan imposed sanctions and asset freezes on
Libya. Still this was not
enough for the man who had pledged to vanquish terrorism from the face of the
earth (or at least certain parts of it).
Angry over the recent terrorist bombings, frustrated by the CIA's
failure to eliminate Qaddafi, and still smarting from Israeli rumors of a
Libyan hit-squad sent to assassinate him, the President opted for a
military-style assault. All the White House needed was an excuse, and this came
in the form of an attack on the La Belle Discotheque. Nine days later, Reagan
ordered U.S. planes to attack the Libyan cities of Tripoli and Benghazi, which
resulted in over 37 dead, including Qaddafi's infant daughter. Unfortunately
for Reagan, Qaddafi survived the attack.
But had Lybia actually bombed the disco? The White House was adamant.
The National Security Agency (NSA) had intercepted coded exchanges between
Tripoli and the East Berlin Libyan Peoples Bureau that purportedly said, "We
have something that will make you happy." A second cable, hours after the
bombing read, "An event occurred. You will be pleased with the result." What is interesting is that under
orders from the NSC, the raw coded intercepts were sent straight to the White
House, bypassing normal NSA analysis channels, drawing criticism from at least
one NSA officer. A West German intelligence official who later saw the cables,
said they were "very critical and skeptical" of U.S. intelligence blaming the
The U.S.'s evidence hinged on reports in Stassi (East German
police) files passed on to West German officials. The Stassi reports, based on
three separate informants, indicated the attack was planned by the Popular
Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC), which had met
in Tripoli a month earlier. A member of that group, living in Berlin, Youddeff
Chraidi (code-named "Nuri"), had carried out the attack.
Yet the "Libya did it" theory quickly fell apart during the trial of
Imad Mahmoud, another member of Nuri's group (Nuri could not be found), as the
Stassi informants' contradictions and inconsistencies cast doubts on the case.
Moreover, one informant, Mahmoud Abu-Jabber (code named "Faysal") was,
according to KGB files, a CIA informer. One KGB report indicated that Faysal
had met with his CIA contact two days prior to the attack, and told them the
price of the bombing would be $30,000, and not $80,000 as previously
Stassi defector Colonel Frank Weigand, based on a PLO Security Report,
concluded that Nuri was an agent for the West German police. Other evidence
which seemed to back this up was that while Nuri was wanted for the murder of a
Libyan CIA informer, he managed to repeatedly cross Checkpoint Charlie (the
East-West Berlin border crossing), one of the most tightly-guarded border
crossings in the world. When German authorities finally located Nuri in Lebanon
in 1994, U.S. officials failed to provide the evidence needed to extradite him,
despite repeated pleas by West German officials.
Ultimately, West German officials concluded that the CIA was responsible
for the bombing.
Weigand recalled one phone conversation intercept where a high-ranking
West German intelligence officer spoke with the Berlin official responsible for
the La Belle investigation. According to Weigand, the investigator, when
pressed for his conclusion, told the West German spook, "Well, when I add it
all up, I think the Yanks did this thing themselves."
Weigand also cited a PLO Security Report indicating that the U.S. knew
in advance of the late March bombing of the German-Arab Society. The
implications of this, like those of the Oklahoma City attack, were that
authorities knew about the bombing beforehand, and failed to stop it. While
Nuri may have ultimately been responsible for the bombing, the question of who
he was working for hung over the case like a dark cloud. As Weigand said. "I
never could get [the CIA thesis] off the table, and you know, the one theory
does not exclude the other."
A similar government-orchestrated outrage-incident was the Octopus' 1985
plot to bomb the American embassy and presidential offices in Costa Rica as a
pretext for a full-scale U.S. invasion of Nicaragua. The plan was an offshoot
of Operation Pegasus, the CIA's program of political assassinations, similar to
the Phoenix Program.
The conspiracy was akin to the many American-engineered provocations of
the past. The U.S. — through the skullduggery of the CIA — would bomb
their own embassy, cleverly blaming it on the Sandinistas.
Civilian Military Assistance (CMA) leader Tom Posey and his band of
mercenaries — Steven Carr, Robert Thompson, Rene Corvo, and Costa
Rican-American land-owners John Hull and Bruce Jones — arranged for a
patriotic Cuban-American, Jesus Garcia, to take part in the plot. According to
Leslie Cockburn (Out of Control ) Posey showed Garcia the blueprints of
the embassy. "They came to me with a plan to hit the American embassy in Costa
Rica," recalls Garcia. "They had an idea this would start a war between
Nicaragua and the United States."
In addition to bombing the embassy, they were to "take out" the American
ambassador, Lewis Tambs, a vocal opponent of the Colombian/Contra cocaine
trade, and collect the $1 million reward that the Ochoa clan had placed on his
head. The CIA-led group, which had been funding their covert operations through
arms and drug trafficking, would solve the problem of an American official who
had dared interfere with their profitable business, while at the same time,
serving the lofty goals of U.S. foreign policy.
According to CMA mercenary Jack Terrell, the plan was to place C-4 in a
light-box outside the embassy and detonate it. When Tambs ran outside, he would
be shot. A Nicaraguan would then be killed and fake documents placed on his
person to incriminate the Sandinistas.
While Garcia refused to participate in the plot, he recalled, "The
embassy plan was blessed from the White House. There were too many big people
involved in this. In order to hit a U.S. embassy even us Cubans who are here in
Miami would normally out of courtesy notify the CIA."
Considering the players involved, it appeared that the CIA knew fully
well of the plot, as it drew members from Brigade 2506, Ted Shackley's old
JM/WAVE anti-Castro Cuban mercenary group.
A second plot designed to draw the U.S. into the war involved the
bombing of Los Chiles, a small town along the border of Costa Rica. The plan
was to use a plane painted to look like a Sandinista craft to drop bombs on the
unarmed townspeople. Terrell described it as a "continuous undercurrent
of… really terrorist activity to try to draw the United States Government
into direct conflict with the Nicaraguans because they were to be made to look
like they were committing overt acts against a neutral and unarmed country,
Garcia later learned that another hit was planned, this time on the
Cuban and Soviet embassies in Nicaragua. The plan was proposed to Garcia by
Major Alan Saum, a confederate of Posey's and General Vernon Walters, U.S.
ambassador to the UN and former Deputy Director of the CIA. As Garcia later
testified in court, "Saum had come from the White House." Saum told Garcia the
plan was "Vice-President Bush's baby."
While neither plot was carried out, the Octopus did manage to
successfully murder eight people, mostly reporters, at La Penca, Costa Rica on
May 30, 1984. The target was Eden Pastora, a Contra leader who wasn't going
along with the plan, and was about to announce his misgivings at a press
conference. CIA Deputy Director Dewy Clarridge had recently relayed a message
to Pastora through Alfonso Robelo (who had previously met with Bud McFarlane at
the White House) that his story would be "stopped" if he did not
The bombing was carried out by Amac Galil, who posed as a photographer,
carrying a bomb inside a camera case. CIA "hit-man" Felipe Vidal told Terrell
that Galil was a Mossad agent. He allegedly received his explosives training
from John Harper, and his C-4 courtesy of John Hull. Vidal also told Terrell,
"…we put a bomb under him and it didn't work because of bad timing."
As Terrell later stated: "…if anything happens to these people,
whether they were carrying out directly or indirectly any plan of our
government, it's easy to be at arm's length and have this great big beautiful
Naturally, the Washington Post and New York Times blamed
the bombing on the Sandinistas.
Yet Garcia knew better. "There are people here who are above the
Constitution," recalled Garcia. "I didn't know the federal system was like
this. I never dreamed."
Garcia was eventually set up by Saum on a federal gun charge, he
figured, either because he refused to go along with the first plot, or simply
because of his knowledge of it.
John Mattes, Garcia's defense lawyer, while investigating Garcia's
story, began uncovering North and Casey's twisted web of gun and drug
smuggling. While Mattes was eager to present the evidence in court, he never
got the chance. The "Justice" Department, which initially started a probe,
suddenly switched tracks. They "weren't interested" in going any further with
it, Mattes said. He and his investigator were later called into the U.S.
Attorney's office in Miami and told, "Get out. You're out. Stay out. You've
crossed the line. You've gone too far." (The U.S. Attorney threatened the
public defender with "obstructing justice.")
During testimony, Saum admitted that he had operated "under orders" to
bring about Garcia's arrest. Saum's wife told Cockburn that he was working for
Terrell would eventually express his misgivings to the press. As he
writes in Disposable Patriot:
During an operation, the gravity of what you are doing is obscured by
the determination to do whatever it is you have been programmed to do. If you
whack a bunch of people, blow up cars or hotels, or murder children, it doesn't
make any difference. Something in your character sets you apart from normal
people, and once it's trained and propagandized to where you start believing
what people are telling you, you lose your sense of right and wrong, and in
some cases, your sense of morality. In the end, when the veil of perceived
sanction is lifted and you no longer have the protection of the invisible
barrier that justifies all your actions, then those unspeakable acts committed
in the name of freedom and democracy, come back in a more objective retrospect.
Finally, you understand the impact. You say to yourself, did I do that?
Usually, you did.
Former CIA officer Victor Marchetti discovered this unfortunate truth
long ago. As Marchetti writes in The CIA and the Cult of
The "clandestine mentality" is a mind-set that thrives on secrecy and
deception. It encourages professional amorality — the belief that
righteous goals can be achieved through the use of unprincipled and normally
unacceptable means. Thus, the cult's leaders must tenaciously guard their
official actions from public view. To do otherwise would restrict their ability
to act independently; it would permit the American people to pass judgment on
not only the utility of their policies, but the ethics of those policies as
Finally, there was the blatantly uninhibited statement of former OSS
Colonel George White, one of the original founders of the CIA:
"I toiled wholeheartedly in the vineyards because it was fun, fun, fun.
Where else could a red-blooded American boy lie, kill, cheat, rape and pillage
with the blessings of all the highest?"
Ten years later the Octopus would demonstrate similar ethics by bombing
the Federal Building in Oklahoma, taking out two potential whistle-blowers in
the process — Secret Service agents Alan Whicher and Mickey Maroney, while
blaming it on Timothy James McVeigh — a "disposable patriot."
Were Whicher and Maroney — like Gannon and McKee — a "strong
secondary target?" As HUD employee Jane Graham said, "Maybe there was a sting
within a sting… to eliminate agents who knew too much."
Whicher formerly served on the White House detail, and was reportedly
involved in a little-known incident involving electronic bugging of the White
House by the Japanese. Whicher was subsequently transferred to the Federal
Building in Oklahoma City.
It was also rumored that the Secret Service agent had talked to his wife
just minutes before the blast, telling her that he had to get off the phone
because he was told to wait for an important call. Apparently… that call
Maroney served on Clinton's presidential campaign and transition detail,
and told friend and bombing survivor V.Z. Lawton about some of the many
Clinton-related improprieties he witnessed.Maroney, described by
Lawton as a "Christian person" and a "super guy," said that the Clinton's were
"two of the most foul-mouthed… low-lifes" he had ever been around. In one
humorous incident, he recalled how Hillary threw an ashtray at Bill, only to
miss and have it strike a Secret Service Agent (who no doubt courageously threw
himself between the President and the deadly ashtray). One has to wonder
however if Maroney witnessed more than just obscene word play.
Yet perhaps most interestingly, it was rumored that one of the charges
that destroyed the Murrah Building was beneath the Secret Service office. This
possibility became all the more apparent when The Daily Oklahoman
recently reported that a warning call was placed to an answering service
several days before the bombing, claiming that an explosive charge was
placed inside the Secret Service office:
…Vance DeWoody, owner of Opal's Answering Service, and his
employee, Pat Houser… received an anonymous telephone call saying that a
bomb was going to go off in the office of the U.S. Secret Service on the ninth
floor of the Murrah Building.…
Opal's Answering Service… has a contract with the Secret
It seems the deaths of Whicher and Maroney can be added to the growing
list of approximately 40 victims involved with or knowledgeable of Clinton's
financial, extra-marital, and drug-related activities at Mena, Arkansas who
have met violent and untimely deaths.
The murders of Whicher and Maroney also have ominous parallels to the
deaths of Major Charles McKee and Agent Matthew Gannon aboard Pan Am flight
Describing how an organization might blow up an airplane or a building
to kill one or two people, former DEA Agent Mike Levine says: "Once you arrange
a death, once you employ one of these organizations that do this sort of thing,
it's out of your control."
The deaths of Whicher and Maroney also meant two less witnesses to
testify about the Octopus' drug-running and related skull-duggery.
While scratching that itch, the Octopus managed to remove sensitive
files, conceivably implicating it in its illegal and murderous activities.
Finally, with the destruction of the Oklahoma City Federal Building, the
Federal Government could point to a new "terrorist threat" in our midst, while
effectively halting political dissent, and successfully arguing for a whole new
spate of laws and regulations that threaten to do away with what little
freedoms Americans have left.