Let Them Eat O.J.
["All men will see what you seem to be; only a few
will know what you are, and those few will not dare to oppose the many who have
the majesty of the state on their side to defend them."
Machiavelli, 1532 A.D.]
McVeigh is sentenced to death. We are all saved.
Anyone who believes this is brain dead and deserves the consequences.
Lies beget new lies. Crimes beget new crimes. Murder begets new murder. Nothing
has changed in people's thinking in five thousand years. If there is a blood
sacrifice for the gods, all is well. The rule of ritual blood sacrifice is
supplanting the rule of law, due process and constitutional rights under the
rubric of "victims' rights." The regression to social barbarism is matched by
individual regression to infantile magical thinking and The Lord of the Flies
is the ultimate destination.
On June 2, 1997, Timothy McVeigh was convicted of all 11 counts in the
federal indictment: eight counts of murdering federal agents, and one count
each of possessing a weapon of mass destruction; of conspiring to use a weapon
of mass destruction; and of destroying federal property with a weapon of mass
destruction. The sentence was death by lethal injection.
In the trial, which was hailed as "brilliant," "textbook," and "close to
perfect" by government legal pundits, prosecutors presented largely
circumstantial evidence combined with emotional tales from bombing victims, and
won immediate convictions.
In the last murder "trial of the century," prosecutors displayed an
impressive array of hard, solid evidence against former football star O.J.
Simpson and were met with acquittal.
Federal prosecutors introduced no witnesses who could have placed
McVeigh in Oklahoma City on April 19… because McVeigh was always seen in
the company of other suspects — a can of worms the government, and the
defense, could not afford to open. Yet while prosecutors interspersed
relatively circumstantial evidence with heart-wrenching and completely
irrelevant tales from tearful bombing victims, the defense wasn't allowed to
present any expert witnesses debunking the government's "single bomb" theory,
or any evidence linking other suspects to the crime!
Finally, just one month before the start of McVeigh's trial, the
Dallas Morning News "leaked" alleged documentation that McVeigh had
"admitted" to a defense team member Richard Reyna that he alone drove the Ryder
truck to the Alfred P. Murrah Building (hardly a credible assertation at this
point). Like the startling revelations of McVeigh's racing fuel purchases a
year and-a-half after the fact, this well-timed ruse was engineered to
resuscitate the government's rapidly deteriorating case.
While Jones' superbly crafted and highly revealing Writ of Mandamus
barely registered a blip on the official radar screen of the mainstream press,
McVeigh's highly dubious "confession" became the immediate focus of tabloid
In documents recently discovered by the National Globe, it was
learned that Lee Harvey Oswald made a "confession" to Dallas Police on November
22, in which he states that he, a) Acted alone; b) Had no ties with any mob or
intelligence organizations; and c) Was mad at the President and wanted to make
a political statement.
"That should put this controversy to rest for all time," said former
president and Warren Commission member Gerald Ford.
Lee Harvey Oswald didn't live to tell the truth. Timothy McVeigh chose
not to speak it. Yet, as Stephen Jones noted, if McVeigh dies, the truth may
die with him.
While Judge Richard Matsch bared much of the relevant evidence
pertaining to the case, he permitted numerous victims' completely irrelevant
testimony about their personal trauma, obviously designed to sway the emotions
of an ignorant and confused jury.
Matsch also barred ATF informant Carol Howe's testimony as "irrelevant,"
saying that it "would confuse or mislead the jury." Howe's attorney, Clark
Brewster, said his client could have given "compelling testimony in support of
a potential conspiracy theory."
The trial was also one of the most secretive ever held. According to the
Associated Press, a "review of 1,000 documents filed between Feb. 20 and Sept.
5 found 75 percent of the records have been at least partially sealed."
Given the mainstream media's largely acquiescent attitude towards the
government's fairy tale, it would hardly have mattered. One of the most
important and revealing documents in the case, McVeigh's Writ of Mandamus, was
dismissed as a concoction of conspiracy theories designed to cast doubt on
McVeigh's guilt. Judge Matsch would have no part of "conspiracy theories." He
ordered all important exhibits of McVeigh's Writ sealed.
While Jones and the government both decided that McVeigh couldn't
receive a fair trial in Oklahoma, critics argued that the case was moved to
Denver to put it under the careful control of federal lap-dog Richard Matsch.
In one of the most controversial environmental cases ever, Matsch used a
one-sided hearing to brush aside charges that radioactive contamination from
the Rocky Flats nuclear weapons plant near Denver was adversely undermining the
health of area residents.
A Nixon appointee, Matsch also presided over the Silverado Savings and
Loan case, involving George Bush's son Neil — a case thick with dirty
covert operatives and shady criminals linked to the CIA and the Iran-Contra
operation. Bush walked.
McVeigh's defense lasted little more than a week. In that regard the
trial was little different than the trial of the surviving Branch Davidians,
who were not allowed to introduce evidence that they had acted in self-defense.
The superficial two day defense, presented after weeks of bogus evidence
presented by the government, resulted from Judge Smith who said he would not
allow the defense to "put the government on trial." Yet in fact several jurors
expressed their opinions that the government should have been on trial —
not the surviving Branch Davidians.
While he wasn't allowed to introduce evidence of a broader conspiracy,
Jones did spend considerable time focusing on the disembodied leg, clothed in
camouflage military garb, found amid the rubble of the Federal Building.
Jones introduced expert testimony that such a leg could be left intact
from a blast that disintegrated the remaining body. It was this leg, which
wasn't matched to any other victim, Jones suggested, that belonged to the real
Yet Judge Matsch wasn't about to allow Jones reveal his knowledge of a
wider plot, as was portrayed in his Writ of Mandamus:
The theory of the prosecution in this case, not the Grand Jury's theory,
is that the two named Defendants constructed a simple device capable of
toppling a nine-story building at a public fishing lake and that one of them
transported this device over two hundred miles without blowing himself up. That
is the heart of the prosecution's case. Any evidence concerning the
participation of others, the complexity of the device, or foreign involvement
takes away the heart of the government's case and there is therefore an
institutional interest on the part of the government in keeping such evidence
shielded from the defense and the public.
Some critics argued that Jones' decision to wait until one week before
the start of his client's trial to file the important and revealing document
ensured that the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals would reject the motion.
Other, such as prominent "Patriot" attorney Nancy Lord, insisted that
Jones "should have violated the judge's order, presented evidence of a larger
conspiracy to the jury, and gone to jail for contempt. If I would have been the
defense attorney, some things are important enough to go to jail for," Lord
said. "I am shocked at Stephen Jones' conduct in this case."
An attorney on Jones' legal team rated his defense as "no better than a
C-minus," although he added, "I think he had some high-points."
As Jones solemnly stated in November of 1995, "Some day, when you know
what I know and what I have learned, and that day will come, you will never
again think of the United States of America in the same way."
The American public never learned what Stephen Jones knows. Yet on the
day of his sentencing, Timothy McVeigh finally spoke out: "Our government is
the potent and omnipresent teacher for good or for ill," McVeigh boldly if
somewhat enigmatically announced to the court. "It teaches the whole people by
its example. That's all I have to say."
Naturally, the government and many of the bombing victims took this as a
sign of McVeigh's confession. The rest of the quote may shed some light on the
"Crime is contagious. If the government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds
contempt for the law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it
invites anarchy. To declare that in the administration of the criminal law the
end justifies the means — to declare that the government may commit crimes
in order to secure the conviction of a private criminal — would bring
McVeigh also accused Jones of lying and screwing up. "The truth is this
guy only succeeded in getting [me] the death sentence," said McVeigh, "and now
he doesn't want to let go."
Asked what lies Jones told him, McVeigh was not specific: "It's for
Congress, the bar, and the judiciary to investigate and discover. You would not
believe some of the things that have occurred in this case. The man has
repeatedly lied to me in the past."
Obviously, Timothy McVeigh is holding his cards close to his vest. As
Jones stated during his closing argument: "Two people share a terrible secret.
One will not talk, the other is bound by law and can not talk."
The public still hasn't learned what that terrible secret is.
Other rumors abound that Jones — who stands to make millions in
legal fees from the government — purposely threw the case.
"He is the most dishonest person I've ever met, including all the
criminals I've defended," says his onetime law partner Alec McNaughton, who
nevertheless describes Jones as "brilliant."
As a young attorney in 1964, Jones began his career working for a lawyer
named Richard Milhous Nixon. His clients have run the gamut from '60s radicals
such as Abbie Hoffman to establishment politicians such as Governor Frank
Jones and Nichols' attorney Michael Tigar share a common bond through
the late Edward Bennett Williams, senior partner of Williams & Connolly
(later Williams, Wadden & Stein). Williams' client roster included Senator
Joseph McCarthy, Mafia don Frank Costello, Teamster Jimmy Hoffa, industrialist
Armand Hammer, and Texas Governor John Connally.
A man on intimate terms with the CIA, Williams was offered the post of
CIA director by two presidents, a job which he declined, probably because he
was already a de facto CIA official.
While Jones openly admires Williams, Tigar was actually employed by him
in the late '60s and mid 70s. Williams often referred to Tigar as his "most
A University of Texas Law School professor, Tigar himself claims an
interesting bevy of clients, ranging from "Chicago Seven" member Angela Davis,
who was tried for conspiracy to incite riots at the 1968 Democratic Convention,
to John Demjanjuk, accused of being the notorious Nazi concentration camp guard
"Ivan the Terrible."
Jones and Tigar have collaborated before, defending a controversial
Oklahoma City psychotherapist.
"Tigar is a passionate defender of people who have been oppressed by the
government," said 24-year Oklahoma City attorney Jim Bellingham, who thinks the
possibility of Jones and Tigar running "damage control" for the government is
"I can't imagine the man selling out, and nobody's going to tell him how
to run his defense," said Bellingham.
But former Nebraska State Senator John DeCamp, who investigated a child
abuse ring run by high government officials, doesn't put much faith in Stephen
Jones. DeCamp believes Jones actually made a deal with the feds. DeCamp
represented a bombing victim in an early action against the Federal Government
and was just about to file a motion to preserve the building as evidence. As he
wrote in The Franklin Cover-Up:
Only hours before I was to file the legal papers for a civil action to
keep the building standing, I was contacted by Timothy McVeigh's attorneys, who
presented me with two major requests.
First, they asked that I allow them to file the motions to keep the
building standing so that the investigation could be conducted. They had cogent
legal arguments for this request: because McVeigh was/is under federal criminal
charges, he had the definite legal right to keep the building standing under
the federal rules of evidence which grant criminal defendants the right to
preserve evidence that would significantly impact their defense. It was clear
that if McVeigh's attorneys believed, or even suspected government cover-up,
they would definitely want the building examined.
Their second request was that I release from retainer the bomb
investigation team I had assembled — John A. Kennedy and Associates —
which, they claimed, they wanted to hire.
I granted these requests to McVeigh's attorneys.
A few hours later, I watched in horror as CNN and all the national news
channels reported that McVeigh's attorneys had no intent to file any motions to
keep the Federal Building standing. They had "just reached agreement with the
government," the reporters explained, to permit the building to be destroyed
Angry beyond belief, I called McVeigh's attorney and asked what they
were doing. Since this all occurred on a weekend, I could take no legal action
to stop the building's destruction. McVeigh's attorney told me, "Oh yes, we are
going to allow the building to be destroyed." "Why?" I demanded. "Because we
could not afford to pay the retainer fee that the Kennedy and Associates firm
wanted," he answered.
Shocked by this feeble explanation, I asked, "Well, just how much do
they want?" McVeigh's attorney floored me: "$30,000," he said. "and we have no
resources to pay it, because we are a court-appointed attorney and there are no
funds for this purpose."
"For God's sake!" I screamed at him. "I will raise the money! I will pay
the fee! There's too much at stake for America. "How," I demanded, "can McVeigh
go along with wanting that building destroyed, when that building is the one
thing that can tell America the story of what really happened? I will get you
the money, somehow, but don't refuse to keep the building up for that reason!"
My protests were futile. Within hours of my call, by mutual agreement
between McVeigh's attorneys and the government prosecutors, the building was
destroyed, and any evidence was destroyed with it.
Jones desputed this, stating in a letter to the author:
…if anyone took the trouble to check the public filings in the case
of United States v. McVeigh they will find that one of the very first
Motions that I filed was to stop the implosion of the Murrah Building until the
Defense could go in and take films and moving video pictures. The Court
sustained my Motion and we were able, together with an architect and an
explosives expert, to tour the building. Any claim that we made a "deal" with
the Federal authorities to permit the demolition of the Murrah Building before
the Defense could inspect if is absurd and contradicted by the public
A source within the defense team told me that Jones' team actually did
go into the building to conduct forensic analysis. The group consisted of a
videographer, a still photographer, and one bomb expert, who were accompanied
by several FBI and ATF agents. The source said that the bomb expert walked
around with only a jeweler's loupe, no forensic kit, and did not take any
samples for analysis. The agents restricted their passage through the building,
and by the time they arrived, the crater had been filled.
Jones also made no mention of the amazing letter McVeigh sent to his
sister, describing his recruitment into a secret government team involved in
illegal activities, which she had read before the Federal Grand Jury.
What he did do was show a film about Waco, further reinforcing the
allegations of his client's guilt, including the absurd notion that McVeigh
murdered 25 innocent children in Oklahoma to avenge the murder of 25 innocent
children at Waco.
Did Jones have a quid pro quo with the government not to reveal
any evidence that his client was a government agent? Did he purposely throw the
case? His highly incriminating Writ of Mandamus and impressive opening
statement tend to belie that theory. As Jones said in his opening statement:
"I know who bombed the Alfred P. Murrah building. It was NOT Tim
"Even more important, the government knows who bombed the Alfred P.
Murrah building. The government knows it was NOT Tim McVeigh.
"The government also knows that its case against Tim McVeigh is corrupt.
At its core, it's rotten. I will show you in what way, and why.
"The most important difference between us, is that the government won't
tell you who bombed the Alfred P. Murrah building.
Jones never got the chance. The exclusion of ATF informant Carol Howe
sounded the death knell for other defense witnesses such as bomb expert General
Benton Partin, seismologist Dr. Ray Brown, and the many witnesses who saw
additional suspects. While the prosecution called 27 phone company employees to
testify that McVeigh and Nichols used a pre-paid calling card to make chemical
purchase inquiries, they didn't call even one of the many witnesses who would
have placed McVeigh downtown on the morning of the blast!
While the government solicited the testimony of British explosives
expert Linda Jones, McVeigh's attorney curiously did not call General Partin,
who could have blown the lid off the government's single bomb theory.
"The judge would not permit… in his ruling he would not permit
anything except one man, one bomb," said Partin. "…they structured the
whole case — the whole prosecution — completely eliminating the
building and anything to do with it.… because they couldn't afford to get
Referring to Jones, Partin added, "I didn't expect to be called by these
guys. I had absolutely no confidence in them. I didn't expect it — not
In response, Jones said, "I did not put Partin on the stand because my
experts do not credit his theory.…"
Yet the question still remains: why didn't Jones take the issue of Judge
Matsch's illegal decisions before the Appellate or Supreme Courts? Jones
replied by stating that the appellate court "refused to accept jurisdiction of
the case and said [it] would review the issues on appeal, if there was a
Some have speculated that the millions Jones stands to make in legal
fees from the government played a part in his apparently poor defense.
Those who expected a similarly poor defense from Michael Tigar were
shocked to find him introducing evidence of other suspects, and putting ATF
informant Carol Howe on the witness stand.
No doubt Nichols' conviction of conspiracy and involuntary manslaughter
stemmed from the critical opinions jurors had of the prosecution's "limited
"I do not believe that the government gave us the whole case," said
Linda Morgan, one of the jurors who decided Nichols only had a minor role in
the bomb plot. McVeigh, she said, "was seen with too many other people. Who
were these other people?"
"I think that the government perhaps really dropped the ball," said jury
forewoman Niki Deutchman, who criticized the FBI for halting its investigation
after arresting Nichols and McVeigh.
"I think there are other people out there," she said, recalling defense
witnesses who saw others with McVeigh before the bombing. "I think this was a
horrible thing to have done… and I doubt two people were able to bring it
Deutchman also criticized the FBI for sloppy crime lab procedures, and
claimed agents were "arrogant" for failing to tape-record Nichols' initial
9-hour interrogation. "It seems arrogant to me on the part of the FBI to say,
you know, 'We have good recall and you can take what we have said.'"
Nor could jurors agree on the scope of Nichols' involvement. While most
believed he played a major role, others questioned if he did much at all or had
backed out completely or been coerced.
"Some people felt he wasn't involved at all in building the bomb,"
Deutchman said before echoing an oft-repeated mantra from the defense: "I think
he was building a life."
Juror Holly Hanlin, too, felt the government failed to fully prove its
case. "We couldn't find enough evidence to convince at least all of us that he
intended, that he was involved from the very beginning, that he built the bomb.
We felt that evidence was shaky at best…."
Others, like juror Keith Brookshier, said"[I] know that Terry Nichols
was into it up to his eyeballs and that's the only thing I had to decide.…
We're not trying John Doe 2, or 3 or 4 or whatever." U.S. Attorney Beth
Wilkinson naturally added her voice to the ensemble, stating that "sightings of
John Doe 2 were about as common and about as credible as sightings of
As the trial of Terry Nichols winds down, the public's attention will
resolve itself to the latest scandal, reported in the same
exposé-tabloid fashion that riveted its attention on the O.J. Simpson
trial. As in both cases, the relevant facts will remain obscured behind the
colored smoke and lights of what will certainly be more circus trials. Attorney
Larry Becraft told Media Bypass, "They got Oswald, they got James Earl
Ray, they got McVeigh and once they're finished with Nichols, they've offered
the public a couple of sacrificial lambs, and they hope it will all go away."
By the time this book is published, a few select facts may be brought to
light. They will first be revealed by a few victims' families, angrily
demanding justice; by the few public officials courageous enough to risk their
careers. And finally, they will be echoed in the courts by the inevitable
specter of civil litigation.
Then, the powers that be will hasten to construct a new layer of damage
control, and the cover-up will begin anew. Like the crime scene quickly
demolished, and the John Does that never existed, this new "limited-hangout,"
in the form of a few "startling revelations," will be used as a dam, to hold
back the onrushing tide of truth.
Will Timothy McVeigh ever choose to reveal that truth — what he
knows of it — or will it go with him to the grave, or die with him in a
As Fletcher Prouty states: "The whole story of the power of the
cover-up comes down to a few points. There has never been a grand jury and
trial in Texas (referring to Lee Harvey Oswald). Without a trial there can be
nothing. Without a trial it does no good for researchers to dig up data. It has
no place to go and what the researchers reveal just helps make the cover-up
tighter, or they eliminate that evidence and the researcher."
The government illegally prevented a state trial in Dallas in 1963, as
they tried to do in Oklahoma City in 1995. It came down to one courageous
District Attorney in New Orleans to open up that can of worms.
As this book went to press, a County Grand Jury, convened at the behest
of two courageous men in Oklahoma, began hearing evidence.
Will these jurors will more objective and effective than the highly
manipulated Federal Grand Jury? One juror, Ben Baker, was quoted in The
Daily Oklahoman as saying: "Everyone I've talked to believes this is a
waste of time and taxpayers' money. I believe the same thing."
Another juror, Kenneth Rickenbrode, is a lieutenant with OCPD Internal
Affairs, which should serve rather nicely to hamstring any serious inquiry into
the murder of OCPD Officer Terrance Yeakey.
Fortunately, Bob Macy's Chief Assistant DA, Pat Morgan and Assistant DA
Suzanne Lister-Gump are on hand to "advise" the jurors and "pre-screen" the
Representative Key had little choice but to work with Macy's people, the
alternative being a special prosecutor being appointed by political hacks
Attorney General Drew Edmondson or Governor Frank Keating. Although Key could
have objected to both Edmondson and Keating based on their obvious prejudice,
he felt the Supreme Court would have sat on the issue, perhaps not appointing a
special prosecutor for over a year. After waiting two years, he was anxious to
get the process started. The choice was "deciding between bad, worse, and
worse," said Key, who now believes that Macy is "on our side."
Bob Macy — a man who "investigated" the case by thumbing through an
old copy of The Turner Diaries — now insists he intends to uncover
the truth. "I'm prepared to do what ever it takes to get to the truth!" Macy
declared. "My sole intent is in learning the truth." This Macy stated to the
author five months before he kowtowed to "Justice" Department wishes in
opposing the grand jury.
Of course, Macy's most telling statement came when he was asked if he
intended to pursue an investigation independent of the feds. "Well… I
don't want to be a party to anything that will interfere with the Feds'
prosecution," said Macy. "I don't want to open up a new can of worms."
This is not surprising, coming from a man who refused to prosecute eight
felony indictments against a sitting governor who was a campaign manager for
Consequently, Key petitioned the Oklahoma Supreme Court to order Macy to
do his job. In reply, Macy stated, "I am going to do my job. This action
by him won't have any effect one way or another. I am still going to do it the
way it is supposed to be done."
Former Congressman George Hansen (R-ID) thinks Macy, whom he says was
"straddling the fence," has now turned around. "Look, "he's obligated to do the
will of the establishment," said Hansen. "He went along… with defending
An old friend of Macy's from Washington, D.C., Hansen learned the hard
way what it's like to suffer at the hands of a corrupt and vindictive "Justice"
Department. Not one to easily trust the Federal Government, Hansen genuinely
believes his old friend from the Department of Agriculture is now honestly
going to challenge that government. "Give the guy a chance to turn around,"
said Hansen. "He honestly wants that grand jury to come out with as much of the
truth as possible."
If true, perhaps Macy should imbue a sence of open-mindedness in his
so-called investigators. In an affidavit filed by Richard Sinnett, the
eyewitness claims that one of Macy's investigators made sarcastic comments to
him about the grand jury investigation shortly before he was subpoenaed.
Sinnett could not identify the person. However, he said in the signed
affidavit, the man who called him said "he did not know why he was having to do
this, that Charles Key was pushing this and that nothing would come of it and
that is was a waste of time."
Naturally, Macy's office denied the charge.
Perhaps the Supreme Court should order Judge Burkette, presiding over
the County Grand Jury, to do his job. Burkett attempted to disallow
hearsay evidence to be presented to the grand jury — a clear violation of
Oklahoma grand jury procedures.
"Do not accept hearsay," Burkett said in his opening instructions to the
grand jurors. "Hear only those witnesses who would present facts, which if
true, would substantiate an indictable offense and not needlessly delay the
courts in their other functions by listening to radical persons or facts about
which you could do nothing if it were true."
"…radical persons or facts about which you could do nothing if it
were true"??? Judge Burkett's subtle signal is suspiciously reminiscent of the
1976 House Select Committee on Assassinations investigation of the Kennedy
assassination, which admitted that the evidence led to a probable conspiracy.
No indicments were ever handed down.
KFOR's Jayna Davis, who testified before the Grand Jury, didn't miss
this subtle signal. She told The Daily Oklahoman she expects prosecutors
"to express a legitimate interest" in pursuing indictments against the suspects
her witnesses identified.
Even if Macy and Burkette are eventually forced to do their jobs, the
FBI can undoubtedly be counted on to intimidate key witnesses, as they did in
the federal trial. Kay H., who saw Hussain al-Hussaini speed away in the brown
pick-up, reportedly is afraid to testify before the Grand Jury, after publicly
stating — twice — that Hussaini was the man she saw. Gary Lewis, the
Journal Record pressman who was almost run over by McVeigh and John Doe 2, has
now recanted his story. After his testimony before the County Grand Jury,
Professor Ray Brown of the University of Oklahoma had a change of heart:
"There's no evidence in the [seismographic] bomb signals for any additional
charges," Brown told reporters.
The federal agents who might be subpoenaed will no doubt attempt to
quash them on the grounds of "national security."
It is been rumored that no grand jury indictments will ever be returned.
Said Stephen Jones, "…a living nightmare for the Department of
Justice is an Oklahoma state criminal trial, not only a nightmare for them, but
a nightmare for the intelligence community, for the ATF. There isn't going to
be any Oklahoma trial.…"
"If I thought the State of Oklahoma was really interested in the truth
as opposed to just some political side show," added Jones, "I would insist that
Mr. McVeigh have a state trial and demand that he be released to the state
authorities. But this is all politics."
"What [Joseph Hartzler] is trying to do is not have people learn," said
McVeigh in an interview from his prison cell. "He wants to have them put their
heads in the sand."
What McVeigh states may be an unfortunate axiom. Many Americans aren't
interested in knowing the truth. Like Becraft said, they want it to go away.
They don't want to open up a new can of worms. Many people, even those in
Oklahoma, don't want to believe that the government, or elements within that
government, could or would, do, or cover-up, such an evil act.
However, "very few will cover up the violent deaths of their sons and
daughters, or the children of a close family friend, no matter what the price,"
argued a poster to an Internet newsgroup called OKBOMB.
Surprisingly, many of these people — including a significant number
of bombing victims — are naive, intellectually lazy, and unreasonably
indignant. Like this poster, these people haven't done their homework regarding
the legion of evil and corruption in this country, so they don't have any basis
for understanding or challenging it. Driven solely by instinct and emotion, and
speaking from a place of ignorance, they react angrily to those attempting to
expose the truth, whatever that truth might be.
Simply stated, they are in denial. Such denial absolves one of the
responsibility of having to do something about the problem — to take a
stand — and, on an even deeper level, to challenge their comfortably held
belief systems. While the public servants who know the truth and choose to
remain silent are guilty accomplices after-the-fact, to deny that such a truth
exists to begin with is intellectual cowardice. Faced with such a choice
between examining their falsely cherished values and, consequently, themselves,
most people opt for the safer approach.
As another OKBOMB poster observed, "They want their lives to go on as
easily as possible, without being harassed by the government, but without
admitting to themselves that they sold their souls for a continued paycheck and
a good credit rating."
The author has no respect or sympathy for such individuals, or for that
matter, the majority of Americans who mindlessly subscribe to the baleful
fantasies perpetrated by government liars and mainstream media whores. They can
twist in the wind.
Two hundred years ago, Samuel Adams said: "If ye love wealth better than
liberty, the tranquillity of servitude better than the animating contest of
freedom, go home from us in peace. We ask not your counsels or arms. Crouch
down and lick the hands which feed you.…"
Fortunately, there are enough people who want to know the truth. These
are the people worth fighting for. Approximately 500 bombing victims and their
relatives are beginning to seek answers. They have brought two civil suits
against the Federal Government. The suits seek to prove beyond a shadow of a
doubt that the government had advance knowledge of the plot but failed to stop
it, in what amounted, at least on one level, to a sting operation gone
As Stephen Jones said in his opening statement, "Outrageously, the
government shares part of the blame. It's hands have blood on them as surely as
the hands of the man who lit the fuse. Horrifically, the government knew what
was coming, but failed to stop it. Then it covered up its role for fear of
being held accountable for its inexcusable conduct."
The acquittal of ATF informant Carol Howe and the resulting publicity
surrounding Elohim City will no doubt affect the balance of evidence. Yet given
the fact that no Middle Eastern witnesses have been called (at least as of this
writing), the revelations of Howe will only serve to highlight the role that
neo-Nazi elements played in the bombing — to the exclusion of the Arab
This is nothing more than a "limited hang-out." Given the
government/mass-media propaganda effort aimed at linking McVeigh and Nichols to
the Militia Movement, and the Militia Movement to the neo-Nazi community, the
end result differs little from the government's original premise — that
the militias, being essentially neo-Nazis, are in effect, responsible for the
Should Howe's testimony reveal the government's prior knowledge, perhaps
the ATF, FBI, and the "Justice" Department will eventually be forced to admit a
minor role in their "tragic blunder," and those starved for a little truth will
be, at last, temporarily satisfied.
Then the hearings will begin. Like the Warren Commission, the Watergate
hearings, or the Iran-Contra hearings, it will eventually be revealed that a
few bad apples, acting alone and outside the realm of official responsibility,
were "negligent." Inevitable wrists will be slapped.
Then, as the hearings draw to a close, the deeper and more pressing
questions will be swept under the rug, as the shock and tragedy of the moment
gradually fades in the wake of next year's TV sitcoms. Those who orchestrated
the conspiracy will disappear into the invisable cracks of time, protected by
the same malignant forces that nurtured them into being.
One Congressman who allegedly displayed an interest in alternative
bombing evidence was Senator Arlen Specter. As a young assistant prosecutor on
the Warren Commission, Specter propounded the "magic bullet" theory. Now, on
the same day as the bombing, Specter's foregone conclusions could be heard on
McNeil-Lerher, propounding the "magic bomb" theory.
Soon after, Specter, who is head of the Senate Intelligence Committee,
asked KFOR for all the evidence they'd collected on John Doe 2. No doubt the
good Senator's collecting this information for the next Warren Commission
One American's foregone conclusion of the Oklahoma City bombing may be
more revealing however. It is from a letter sent to the hospitalized survivors
by a 3rd grade boy. It reads:
Hello, I hope you feel better from the explosion in Oklahoma. I wish it
never happened. I felt sad when it happened. I felt bad for the people who died
and the people who got hurt. That's only the beginning of what's going to
happen to America. Hope you feel better.